Saturday, August 22, 2026
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Politics, Religion and Good Governance: The Meeting Point By Anaenugwu Ndubuisi

As usual, I write for humanity—not for official advancement or recognition. Many who follow my contributions often remind me that those entrusted with the responsibility of creating solutions to our societal challenges may never listen to these practical insights.

My response remains simple: the first order of human liberation is mental freedom.

A society that is mentally enslaved cannot experience genuine progress, no matter how sophisticated its political structures or how passionate its religious expressions may appear. Until individuals begin to think independently, question constructively, and act consciously, governance will remain a cycle of repetition rather than transformation.

The Intersection of Politics and Religion

Politics and religion are two of the most powerful forces shaping human society. Politics determines the structure of leadership, resource distribution, and public policy. Religion, on the other hand, shapes values, morality, and the conscience of the people.

In an ideal society, both should complement each other—politics providing structure, and religion providing ethical direction.
However, in many developing societies, including ours, the relationship between politics and religion has often been distorted. Instead of serving as a moral compass, religion is sometimes used as a tool for political manipulation. Likewise, politics, instead of being a platform for service, becomes an avenue for personal gain and power consolidation.

This disconnect creates a dangerous vacuum—where leaders lack accountability, and followers surrender critical thinking.

The Crisis of Good Governance

Good governance is not merely about elections, policies, or political slogans. It is fundamentally about responsibility, transparency, accountability, and service to the people.

Yet, the crisis we face today is not just a failure of leadership—it is also a failure of followership.
When citizens prioritize ethnic, religious, or sentimental loyalties over competence and integrity, they inadvertently reinforce bad governance. When religious institutions avoid speaking truth to power, they weaken their role as moral watchdogs. And when leaders exploit these divisions, the cycle continues.

The Meeting Point

The true meeting point between politics, religion, and good governance lies in shared values: Integrity over opportunism; Service over self-interest; Truth over convenience; Justice over favoritism.

Religion must return to its core role of shaping character and promoting ethical behavior, not merely ritual practices or emotional gatherings. Politics must be redefined as a platform for service, not a battlefield for dominance. At this intersection, governance becomes people-centered, leadership becomes accountable, and society begins to heal.

The Role of the Individual

Change does not begin in government offices—it begins in the minds of individuals. Mental freedom empowers citizens to: Ask the right questions; Demand accountability; Reject manipulation; Make informed decisions.

A liberated mind cannot be easily deceived by propaganda, divided by sentiment, or controlled by fear.

A Call to Consciousness

If we truly desire good governance, we must first align our political choices with ethical values and ensure that our religious convictions inspire responsible civic engagement.

Leaders must understand that authority is a trust, not a privilege. Citizens must realize that silence in the face of injustice is complicity. The transformation we seek will not come from policies alone, nor from sermons alone—but from a conscious integration of both into everyday life.

Conclusion

Politics, religion, and good governance are not separate spheres—they are interconnected realities that must function in harmony. When politics is guided by ethics, and religion inspires responsibility, good governance becomes inevitable. The journey begins with one step: freeing the mind. Only then can we build a society that truly works for all.

Ndubuisi Anaenugwu
ggovernanceministry@gmail.com

Subsidy Gone, Suffering Remains: Nigerians Bear the Real Cost of Fuel Policy By Ndubuisi AnaenugwuI’m

The APC-led government has demonstrated a troubling disregard for its constitutional responsibilities. Chapter II, Section 14(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) clearly states that the security and welfare of the Nigerian people shall be the primary purpose of government. Yet, this obligation appears to have been subordinated to a purely capitalist and mercantile approach.

Under President Tinubu, the administration of Nigeria’s crude oil and gas resources has been largely subjected to market forces, with insufficient safeguards to protect the welfare of ordinary Nigerians. This policy direction raises serious concerns about the balance between economic liberalization and social responsibility.

A few days ago, during an interview on Arise TV, David Bird, CEO of the Dangote Refinery, stated that petroleum products from the refinery are sold at prices tied to international crude oil benchmarks. In effect, this means that external shocks—such as supply disruptions from geopolitical tensions, including the ongoing crisis in Iran—will continue to drive up domestic fuel prices.

To better appreciate the implications of this policy stance, it is useful to compare fuel prices and minimum wages across selected oil-producing and developed countries:

Saudi Arabia — $0.60 per litre; minimum wage: $1,000

United States — $0.90 per litre; minimum wage: $1,200

Russia — $0.70 per litre; minimum wage: $300

Canada — $1.20 per litre; minimum wage: $1,800

Iran — $0.02 per litre; minimum wage: $120

Nigeria — $0.98 per litre; minimum wage: $40

From the above, Nigeria’s current fuel price is approximately ₦1,380 per litre, while the minimum wage stands at ₦70,000. Filling the tank of an average vehicle now costs close to an entire monthly wage. By contrast, in Iran, fuel costs about ₦28 per litre, while the minimum wage is significantly higher in local currency terms.

The standard of living in any society is closely tied to energy costs, as fuel directly and indirectly affects transportation, food prices, and household expenses. If the Tinubu administration insists on maintaining international pricing for petroleum products, then it must correspondingly adjust minimum wages—potentially to at least $600 (about ₦840,000 monthly)—while also ensuring reliable electricity, food security, and a functional social safety net. These are the irreducible minimum expectations of citizens in any responsible state.

However, Nigeria’s political leadership appears largely indifferent to the welfare of the people. The fuel price crisis is no longer just an economic issue; it has become a national burden imposed by a system that increasingly appears skewed against the average citizen.

At the heart of this crisis lies a powerful network of vested interests often described as “market cabals.” These are not imaginary actors but influential players embedded within Nigeria’s petroleum supply chain—spanning importation, distribution, and pricing. Their influence is subtle yet far-reaching, and its consequences are felt daily by Nigerians.

Notably, these actors operate across both the public and private sectors.

For decades, Nigeria has failed to maintain functional refineries, engaging in a cycle of neglect and inefficiency. This has entrenched dependence on imported petroleum products and created an environment where a few dominant operators control supply. In such a market, competition is weak, and consumers inevitably bear the cost.
Even with the emergence of the Dangote Refinery, there are claims that entrenched interests have constrained the supply of local crude, forcing reliance on international markets. This raises a troubling question: are these powerful actors stronger than the Presidency, or is there a convergence of interests at the expense of Nigerians?

The removal of fuel subsidy, announced without adequate preparation—particularly the rehabilitation of domestic refineries—has exacerbated the crisis. While some view subsidy removal as a necessary reform, its implementation without structural readiness has imposed severe hardship. Nigeria must prioritize optimizing local crude production for both domestic consumption and export.

Furthermore, the legal and institutional framework governing resource ownership requires urgent review. The concentration of control over mineral resources in the federal government has contributed to longstanding inefficiencies and grievances, forming part of the structural roots of the current crisis.

The consequences are evident: rising transport fares, escalating food prices, and increasing pressure on small businesses struggling with higher operating costs. For ordinary Nigerians, fuel price increases are not abstract policy outcomes—they are daily realities that erode income, dignity, and quality of life.

Nigeria must confront the structural issues sustaining this crisis. Expanding and supporting local refining capacity is no longer optional—it is imperative. Private refinery initiatives must be encouraged within a transparent and competitive framework.

At the same time, regulatory institutions must be strengthened and insulated from undue influence to ensure accountability across the sector.
Transparency must become the norm. Nigerians deserve clarity on how fuel prices are determined and who the key actors are within the industry.
Policymakers must act with urgency and resolve. This includes enforcing effective market regulations, dismantling monopolistic structures, publishing transparent pricing mechanisms, and holding all stakeholders—public and private—accountable without fear or favor. It also requires fast-tracking refinery rehabilitation and ensuring that local production translates into tangible price relief for citizens.

Anything short of decisive action will deepen public distrust and prolong economic hardship. Nigeria cannot afford a petroleum sector that serves a privileged few at the expense of the majority. The responsibility now rests squarely on those in power to break this cycle—firmly, transparently, and without compromise.

Ndubuisi Anaenugwu
Ambassador General, Good Governance Ministry (GGM)
Email: ggovernanceministry@gmail.com

The “No Borrowing” Mantra: Economic Prudence or Policy Misconception

Introduction

I write in the public interest, for posterity, and to set the record straight amid growing political rhetoric and economic misconceptions. Too often, the masses are swayed by appealing but simplistic narratives from political leaders. One such narrative is the popular claim by some Governors that “we have not borrowed.” While this may sound fiscally responsible on the surface, it raises an important question: is this truly sound economic policy, or a misunderstanding of development finance?
Recently, during a media chat with the Governor of Anambra State, Dr. Reuben Abati of Arise TV inquired about the level of borrowing undertaken to execute major infrastructural projects, including the construction of a new Government House. The Governor proudly stated that his administration had not borrowed a kobo. This assertion provides a useful backdrop to examine the economic implications of borrowing in public finance.

What Is the Primary Objective of Government?

Chapter II, Section 14(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria clearly states that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government.” This is not optional—it is a constitutional obligation.

To fulfill this mandate, government must ensure that:
1. No citizen goes to bed hungry.
2. The elderly and vulnerable are adequately cared for.
3. Employment opportunities exist for all willing and able individuals.
4. Functional financial systems (banking and insurance) serve public/ private interest efficiently.
5. Reliable and affordable electricity is provided.
6. Access to healthcare is not determined by one’s financial capacity.

These responsibilities require substantial financial resources, which are often beyond what internally generated revenue and monthly allocation from Abuja can provide.

Borrowing as an Instrument of Development

In economics, public borrowing—when properly managed—is not inherently harmful. On the contrary, it is a legitimate fiscal tool for bridging resource gaps and financing long-term capital projects. The key issue is not whether government borrows, but how and why it borrows.A forward-thinking government should:
Invest in productive sectors such as agriculture, housing, infrastructure, and healthcare.Government can stimulate aggregate demand by ensuring income flows to households,
promote inclusive growth and reduce poverty.For instance, if a Government undertakes data-driven planning—identifying population segments such as youths, unemployed persons, retirees, and the working class—it can effectively allocate resources to maximize productivity. When citizens are gainfully employed, crime rates decline, economic activity expands, and overall welfare improves.

The Illusion of “No Borrowing”.

The “no borrowing” mantra, while politically attractive, can be misleading if it results in underinvestment in critical sectors. In a developing economy like Nigeria, where infrastructure deficits are significant, outright avoidance of borrowing may signal missed opportunities rather than fiscal discipline.
It is important to distinguish between:
Productive borrowing (for infrastructure, job creation, and economic expansion), and
Unproductive borrowing (for recurrent expenditure such as salaries or consumption).

The former drives growth and can repay itself over time through increased revenue, while the latter can lead to fiscal distress.

The Reality of Governance and Citizen Expectations.

A troubling reality is that many citizens have normalized government failure. Individuals provide their own water, security, electricity, and even basic infrastructure. This reflects a breakdown in the social contract.

Critical questions must be asked:

i. Does the government actively address unemployment?

b. Is there a clear strategy for improving power supply?

c. Are citizens genuinely benefiting from public resources?

In many cases, the answer is no.

Conclusion

Government must, where necessary, utilize borrowing as a strategic tool to organize the factors of production, stimulate economic activity, and fulfill its constitutional mandate. Avoiding borrowing entirely, especially in a resource-constrained environment, may reflect not prudence but a limited understanding of development economics.

That said, borrowing must be responsible, transparent, and tied strictly to productive investments—not to finance consumption or recurrent expenditure.
Ultimately, good governance is not measured by the absence of debt, but by the presence of development, improved welfare, and a better quality of life for the people.

Anaenugwu Ndubuisi
Ambassador General
Good Governance Ministry (GGM)
Email: ggovernanceministry@gmail.com

Escalating Cost of House Rent in South-East Nigeria: A Call for Urgent Government Intervention- Ndubuisi Anaenugwu

In Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, shelter ranks just after food as a fundamental requirement for human survival.Governments across the world recognize this reality and deliberately design policies to ensure that citizens can afford a roof over their heads. In many economies, minimum wage structures are calibrated to reflect the cost of living—particularly housing, whether through rent or mortgage.

In recent years, however, the cost of house rent across South-East Nigeria has risen at an alarming and unsustainable rate, placing immense pressure on residents—especially low- and middle-income earners.

Major urban centres such as Enugu, Owerri, Awka, Aba, and Abakaliki are increasingly experiencing a housing crisis that is steadily eroding living standards and deepening economic hardship.

What was once considered affordable housing has now become a luxury. A single-room self-contained apartment that previously cost about ₦100,000 per annum now goes for ₦400,000 or more. Self-contained apartments that were once ₦150,000 now command as high as ₦800,000.

In Awka, a three-bedroom flat in areas such as Commissioners’ Quarters can cost up to ₦2,500,000 annually, with additional service charges of about ₦200,000( Note that the national minimum wage is N840,000 per annum) . In Onitsha, a two-bedroom flat averages ₦500,000 per annum, even in relatively less expensive areas like Mgbuke, Awada, and Nkpor—still burdensome when compared to prevailing income levels.

This trend is not only unsustainable but socially destabilizing.
Several factors are responsible for this sharp escalation. Rapid urbanization remains a key driver, as increasing numbers of people migrate to cities in search of better economic opportunities.

Unfortunately, this population growth has not been matched with corresponding housing development, resulting in a widening gap between demand and supply—and inevitably, higher rents. Compounding this is the lack of reliable housing data; state governments have not been sufficiently intentional about tracking residential stock and projected demand.

Equally significant is the rising cost of building materials. Cement, iron rods, roofing sheets, sand, laterite, labour, and other construction inputs have witnessed steep increases due to inflation, exchange rate volatility, and high transportation costs. Landlords, seeking to recoup their investments, transfer these costs directly to tenants through higher rents.

Moreover, the weak enforcement of effective regulatory frameworks has worsened the situation. In many parts of the South-East, landlords fix rents arbitrarily, with little or no oversight. Weak tenancy laws (and in some states, their outright absence) have enabled exploitative practices such as excessive advance payments—often one to two years—unjustified rent hikes, and hidden charges.

The consequences are far-reaching. Many families are forced to relocate to substandard housing on the outskirts of cities, increasing transportation costs and reducing overall quality of life. Young people, including students and early-career professionals, are increasingly unable to secure decent accommodation. Overcrowding and the proliferation of informal settlements are rising, posing serious health and security risks. In extreme cases, the psychological toll has led to tragic outcomes.

This growing crisis demands urgent and deliberate government intervention. Housing must be treated as a central pillar of social welfare and economic stability. Recent public engagements by some state leaders suggest a worrying underestimation of the scale of the problem, as well as a lack of clear, actionable housing policies. While reliance on market forces is a legitimate economic philosophy, housing—given its social importance—cannot be left entirely to market dynamics.

Well-designed housing policies, including measured rent regulation, can help stabilize the market and curb arbitrary pricing. Contrary to common fears, effective regulation can also attract investment by creating a more predictable and structured environment for developers.

Governments should actively partner with private developers through Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) to deliver affordable housing at large scale. Strategic incentives—such as tax reliefs, subsidized land, and support for local building materials—can stimulate private sector participation and reduce construction costs.

Access to housing finance must also be expanded. Many Nigerians are unable to build or purchase homes due to limited access to affordable mortgage systems. Strengthening housing finance institutions and introducing flexible, single-digit interest mortgage schemes will significantly ease pressure on the rental market.

Equally important is the strict enforcement of tenancy laws. Regulatory authorities must ensure fairness and transparency in landlord-tenant relationships, including reasonable rent increments and standardized payment structures.

In conclusion, South-East governors must, as a matter of urgency, collaborate with the private sector to develop large-scale, high-density housing projects—including multi-storey residential buildings—to accommodate low-income earners while creating employment opportunities for the youth. There is also a need for strategic engagement with the Federal Government to review wage policies, potentially incorporating productivity-based and hourly remuneration structures to better align incomes with the rising cost of living.

The time to act is now. Housing is not a luxury—it is a necessity. Any society that neglects this fundamental need risks deepening inequality, social instability, and economic decline.

Ndubuisi Anaenugwu
Ambassador General
Good Governance Ministry (GGM)
Email: ggovernanceministry@gmail.com

Cubana Chief Priest Loses APC Primary For Imo House Of Reps Seat

IMO – Popular nightlife entrepreneur and socialite Pascal Okechukwu, known as Cubana Chief Priest, has lost his bid for the All Progressives Congress (APC) House of Representatives ticket in Imo State.

Cubana Chief Priest was defeated in the APC primary for the Orsu/Orlu/Oru East Federal Constituency ahead of the 2027 general elections. He lost to incumbent lawmaker Canice More Nwachukwu, who is serving his second term in the House. b731

The primary, held over the weekend, ended the celebrity barman’s first attempt at elective office. Cubana had purchased the APC expression of interest and nomination forms in April 2026 and declared his ambition to represent the constituency, citing youth empowerment and grassroots development as his motivation. 2078

As coordinator of the South-East City Boy Movement and Imo State director of the group, he had been vocal in support of President Bola Tinubu’s administration and the APC. b731

His entry into politics drew mixed reactions online, with supporters pointing to his popularity and philanthropy, while critics questioned his political experience. 2078

The loss means Nwachukwu will fly the APC flag for the constituency in 2027.

BVI channel one

Peter Obi Questions Tinubu’s UK Visit, Demands Results-Oriented Diplomacy- Queen Madu

Former Labour Party presidential candidate, , has criticized what he described as “ceremonial diplomacy” by the Nigerian government, insisting that foreign trips by national leaders must produce measurable economic benefits for citizens.

In a strongly worded statement released on Saturday, Obi argued that state visits should not be reduced to tourism, fashion displays, or photo opportunities, but should instead focus on attracting investments, industrial partnerships, technology transfer, and job creation.

According to Obi, serious nations align diplomacy with economic expansion and national productivity. He pointed to the recent visit of President Trump to China as an example of strategic state engagement, noting that the American delegation reportedly included influential business and technology executives and several top financial and industrial leaders.

Obi stated that the visit reportedly yielded multi-billion-dollar trade agreements, including large-scale aircraft orders .

Drawing comparisons with President ’s recent state visit to the United Kingdom, Obi questioned the economic value of the Nigerian delegation’s trip.
“A large entourage of politicians, aides, and government officials travelled, yet Nigerians are still asking a simple question: what exactly did Nigeria bring home?” Obi asked.

The former Anambra governor demanded clarity on the outcomes of the visit, asking what factories, investments, manufacturing agreements, agricultural partnerships, or technology deals were secured for Nigeria. He also questioned how many direct jobs the trip would create for Nigerian youths.

Obi further criticized what he described as excessive government spending on foreign trips at a time when millions of Nigerians are battling economic hardship, food inflation, insecurity, unemployment, and declining industrial productivity.
“It is not enough to ride horses, wear matching uniforms, attend royal banquets, and release glossy photographs. Symbolism without substance cannot feed hungry citizens,” he said.

He maintained that every kobo spent on international engagements must translate into tangible national value, including infrastructure development, exports, industrial growth, and economic opportunities for citizens.

Obi concluded by calling for leadership focused on “productivity rather than optics” and reiterated his popular political message that “A New Nigeria is Possible.”

Blessing Ceo Arraigned By EFCC Over Alleged ₦36M Fraud, Remanded In Custody

LAGOS – Social media influencer and relationship therapist Blessing Okoro, popularly known as Blessing CEO, has been arraigned by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over an alleged ₦36 million fraud.

The influencer appeared before Justice D.I. Dipeolu at the Federal High Court in Ikoyi, Lagos, on Friday, May 15, 2026. The EFCC’s Lagos Zonal Directorate 1 filed a two-count charge against her bordering on obtaining money by false pretence and stealing.

According to the charge, Okoro allegedly obtained ₦36 million from Mrs. Ifeyinwa Nonye Okoye between July 14 and 17, 2024, under the pretence of leasing a six-bedroom detached duplex at No. 1B Tunbosun Osobu Street, off Kuboye Road, Lekki, Lagos. The prosecution told the court the representation was false and violated the Advance Fee Fraud and Other Fraud Related Offences Act, 2006.

Okoro pleaded “not guilty” to both counts when the charges were read.

Her counsel, P.I. Nwafor, told the court she had refunded ₦24 million to the complainant and was working to settle the remaining balance. He requested a short adjournment to resolve the matter, saying the nominal complainant agreed to prevail on the EFCC to drop the case if the balance was paid.

The EFCC’s prosecuting counsel, S.I. Suleiman, opposed the request, stating that the Federal Government of Nigeria is the complainant in the case. He applied for a trial date and urged the court to remand the defendant in a correctional facility pending trial.

Justice Dipeolu ordered that Okoro be remanded in EFCC custody pending the hearing of her bail application. The matter was adjourned to June 5, 2026, for the commencement of trial.

The case marks one of the high-profile fraud prosecutions involving a social media personality in Nigeria this year.

This is a developing story. More updates to follow.

World Bank Restricts Instagram Comments After Nigerians Flood Page Over Tinubu’s $1.25BN Loan Request

The World Bank has restricted comments on its Instagram page following a wave of backlash from Nigerians protesting President Bola Tinubu’s plan to secure a fresh $1.25 billion loan.

Nigerians flooded the institution’s social media platforms with messages urging it to halt further lending, citing rising debt, inflation, and worsening economic hardship. Comments including “STOP GIVING NIGERIA FRESH LOANS!” and “PLEASE STOP GIVING TINUBU LOANS” trended across X and Instagram.

The proposed facility, titled Nigeria Actions for Investment and Jobs Acceleration, is expected to be presented for approval on June 26, 2026. If approved, it would be the second-largest single World Bank loan under the Tinubu administration.

The backlash comes as Nigeria’s public debt hit ₦159.28 trillion in December 2025. A petition titled “Compel The World Bank to stop giving Nigeria loans” has also gained traction online.

The Federal Government says the loan will fund economic reforms, electricity expansion, digital infrastructure, agriculture, and job creation programs.

 

bvi channel one

 

Seyi Makonde Oyo State Governor Declares Interest In Presidential Race

Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, has officially declared his intention to contest the 2027 presidential election on the platform of the Allied Peoples Movement.

The governor made this known on Thursday at the joint mega-rally of the Peoples Democratic Party and the Allied Peoples Movement held at Mapo Hall in Ibadan, the state capital.

“The time to reset Nigeria is now. Therefore, today, I, Oluseyi Abiodun Makinde, announce my candidacy for the position of the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” he said.

Makinde said the country’s situation has “continued to deteriorate, putting the majority of Nigerians on survival mode daily.

The governor added that government officials responsible for citizens’ welfare have abdicated their duties.

“This is why, for the past several months, one question has been at the top of my mind: where do we go from here? Is this how we should continue as a nation?

“We have been pushed to the wall with the belief that we will turn against ourselves or worst still, that we will become too weary to survive on a daily basis to fight back.

They said opposition cannot unite, but I am here today to say that it is a miscalculation. The opposition in Nigeria is not just a political party. The opposition is the everyday Nigerian for whom the country does not work,” Makinde said.

Makinde said the alliance between the PDP and APM would enable the former ruling party to field candidates for all positions in the 2027 general election.

“So today in Ibadan, the first grand alliance is formed. The alliance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Allied Peoples Movement (APM).

“This handshake will allow us to field candidates at all levels. We will field candidates from top to bottom. We will field candidates from the presidency to state assemblies, and everything in between,” Makinde said.

Makinde had earlier led the Taminu Turaki faction of the PDP in Oyo State to sign a Memorandum of Understanding with the APM as part of a strategic alliance for the forthcoming elections.

The governor and the National Chairman of the APM, Yusuf Dantalle, signed the agreement on behalf of both parties.

Under the agreement, candidates of the PDP faction contesting for governorship, Senate, House of Representatives and State House of Assembly seats are expected to run on the platform of the APM rather than the PDP in the 2027 elections.

(Punch)

 

It’s Not Just A Memoir- Charly Boy Unveils His Latest Book Called 999

As he inches towards his 76 birthday and closing chapters of his great career, Mr. Charles Chukwuemeka Oputa, aka Charly Boy, also known as Area Fada, a Nigerian singer-songwriter, television presenter, actor and activist, sits with culture journalists to discuss his forthcoming book.

Come July 2026, the maverick showbiz maestro will unveil his new work, 999. The eyes of the world will descend on him as he closes this chapter and opens another.

From childhood, Area Fada has been a vocal advocate for justice and good governance in Nigeria. This is what he has put together in this book, which is coming nine years after the release of his first, titled, My Private Part: a play on words.

This new book, 999, is not just a memoir, but Charly Boy cracks open the vault of a life lived louder than the society that tried to mute him. It is more in-depth story of himself with no cover-ups or hypocrisy.

Written with street-poetry honesty, the book traces a boy who shared toys with chauffeurs’ children, a teenager who read forbidden books and didn’t go mad, a TV shock-jock who weaponised laughter, and an activist who still collects ‘dues’ for the voiceless.

Through prostate battles, boardroom wars, father-son silences and national protests, 999 asks what truly finishes us—failure, or the fear of finishing? Raw, riveting and revolutionary, this is the memoir Nigeria never saw coming—and the mirror every generation needs to hold up to itself.

Known for his quality and perfectionist approach to every project he undertakes, Charly Boy has painstakingly put together a breathtaking compilation of some of his most compelling and defining experiences in life.

“And from the look of the book, to the contents and layout of the pages, you can tell that I really took my time. In terms of contents ranging from way back in my early days to the present, this one is way different. People are going to be very amazed at the kind of challenges I have faced in my life and how I survived them,” he confesses.

According to him, the essence of the book is that for anybody who reads it, they can relate to it “because a little bit of every one of us is in this book. The experiences I went through are not alien to anybody.”

Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo wrote the foreword to the book, including Bishop Hassan Kukah and Dele Famoroti.

When I titled my book 999, some people asked if it was a code or I meant 666. What I really meant to say from the go is that 999 means the beginning of a new era. So, if you know me in the past, when I fight I must hold weapon and I must draw blood. But, now I have calmed down and old things shall pass away,” he says.

He had written: “Google defines the figure ‘999’ as an angelic number and a dawn of new beginnings. It’s a red alert signal that you’re about to read the unapologetic truth about the self-styled President of all Frustrated Nigerians.

“This book is not a biography. It’s a battleground. The Ugly, the Bad and the very Good. It’s a collection of live experiences that would make even the boldest screenwriters cringe.”

Charly Boy wittily recalls his past misdemeanuors, rascality and stubbornness while growing up and studying in America.

When asked why he felt he needed to do the book, the area fada responded candidly, “I wanted people to learn from what I have been through. I think a lot of people will learn a great deal from my various experiences when they read 999 because it’s basically a reflection of what you, myself and the next person have been through in life. It doesn’t matter whether you come from a privileged home, like I did, because I am an ‘Aje’ butter through and through but yet ran into all manner of troubles. When I got to the United States, for instance, I got myself involved into all kinds of things such as drugs, credit card scam and the sort. Everything is contained in 999. I need people to take out some of the positives from my experiences, apply them and put them to good use. So, a lot these aspects of my life the public didn’t know about are contained in the books.”
He says, “America opened my eyes to racism.”

He adds,“I’ve come a long way. I have been into all manners of crime including shop-lifting, marrying multiple women, substance and drug abuse. But, I discovered early the dangers of drug especially, because I realised what drugs have done to other people. All these experiences were what I went through as a young man. If you’re 24, you can’t be thinking like a 70 -year-old man. It’s not possible. You think like a 24 -year- old and behave like a 24-year- old. So, those were all the wildlife in my youthful days and they are all captured in the book.

“All these I poured out in my book. I also talked about how activism started, even though I don’t like to be called an activist because some people have messed up activism. So, I like to be called a social engineer, not an activist.

(the Guardian)