The Nigerian naira continued depreciation on Friday at the foreign exchange market to end the week on a negative note.
According to the Central Bank of Nigeria’s exchange rate data, the Naira fell to N1,517.24 on Friday from N1,512.30 exchanged on Thursday.
On a day-to-day basis, this showed that the Naira dropped by N4.94 to the dollar compared to the N1,512.30 exchange rate on Thursday.
Meanwhile, the black market Naira remained flat at N1,580 per dollar, the same rate recorded on Thursday when it had the highest fall from N1520 since past weeks.
In the last five days, the Naira suffered more depreciation except on Tuesday, according to apex bank exchange data.
At the official market, the Naira started the week with N 1,498.98 per dollar and ended at N 1,517.24, CBN’s data showed. This means that at the official market, the Naira lost N18.26, the highest in the past weeks.
Similarly, at the parallel foreign exchange, the kickoff of the week was at N1506 per dollar but closed at N1,580, data from Bureau De Change Operators showed. This indicates that in the black market, the Naira lost N74 against the dollar.
The development comes as Nigeria’s external reserves declined by $1.31 billion, which stood at $38.42 billion on February 28th from $39.72 billion at the end of January 2025.
Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has condemned her suspension from the Red Chambers as “an injustice that will not be endured.”
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lawmaker was suspended for six months on Thursday after the Senate disciplinary committee found her guilty of breaching its rules in light of her allegations of sexual harassment against Senate President Godswill Akpabio.
This decision followed the consideration and adoption of the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions’ report, which investigated Akpoti-Uduaghan for her alleged violations of Senate rules.
Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan did not appear before the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions on Wednesday.
She has also accused Akpabio of publicly humiliating her and blocking her motions and bills on the Senate floor.
Her refusal to accept the new seating arrangement resulted in the Senate President denying her the opportunity to speak during the session.
In response, the Senate referred the issue to its Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions.
At the committee meeting on Wednesday, the Chairman, Senator Neda Imasuen (PDP, Edo South), expressed disappointment over Akpoti-Uduaghan’s absence, stating, “Senator Natasha was duly invited to this meeting. We hope she will join us as we continue.”
“This injustice will not stand,” the Kogi Central Senator declared, vowing to continue her “pursuit of justice.”
Enugu – The Isi-Uzo Local Government Council has clarified the Tuesday protest by some women of Eha-Amufu communities, blaming it on deliberate misinformation and politicisation of security matters in the Local Government Area, LGA, by some political actors.
The Council explained that the recent video of women protesting alleged killings by herders in Eha-Amufu community were propelled by “total misinformation” and not a true reflection of current security realities in Isi-Uzo LGA since Governor Peter Mbah’s assumption of office.
The Council’s position and clarifications were contained in a statement personally issued by the Council Chairman, Barr. Obiora Obeagu, on Wednesday.
Obeagu rued what he described as a callous attempt to dent and enmesh in controversy through acts of misinformation and calculated hate campaigns the many critical infrastructural and development interventions and initiatives by the governor in Eha-Amufu such as the landmark 21.7km Agape-Agu Mgbuji-Ogbete Road, Produce City, deployment of over 100 military and security personnel, plans for permanent security camps, among others.
“Yesterday, Tuesday, 4th March, 2025, I had the opportunity of meeting with the protesting Eha-Ohuala women that came from Eha-Amufu to my office at Isi-Uzo Local Government headquarters, Ikem.
“They made a series of shocking revelations, which clearly showed that their emotions were stirred by false narratives and information by some political actors.
“In particular, despite previous stakeholders’ engagements by the state government, they were misinformed that all cows in Eha-Amufu farm settlement belong to the government, hence the planned ranching project and that the Farm Estate and Produce City projects by the state government was a ploy by the government to take over their lands and hand over to herders from a particular tribe, thus they do not want the government to site any projects in our communities.
“Again, as could be easily deciphered from the trending videos, complaints from the women bordered on the incidents that happened in the farm settlements some years ago and how the government should help them relocate permanently to their farms again,” he stated.
Continuing, he said, “I, therefore, wish to categorically state that the protest that happened on Tuesday was a sponsored protest and political propaganda orchestrated by mischievous elements and enemies of progress, who fed the protesting women with lies and false information for political capital.
“We acknowledge that there was an unfortunate incident of rape on 17th February, 2025. I took up the hospital bills and the woman has been discharged but the narrative of insertion of stick in private part is false.”
“We acknowledge that we have had incidents of farmers/herders clashes across the communities of Isi-Uzo LGA sharing borders with Benue and Ebonyi States dating back to over 15 years.
“However, the Governor Peter Mbah Administration has been working relentlessly with Isi-Uzo Local Government to tackle and put an end to this problem in our farm settlements and other security challenges through far-reaching security interventions, infrastructural development, and agricultural projects such as the Produce Cities, Farm Estates, and other projects to ensure productive use and effective governance of all spaces for socioeconomic growth of the state.
“Contrary to the claims in the protest videos and other false narratives such as the recent sponsored reports to portray killings in Nkalaeha, a neighbouring Ebonyi community, as an incident that happened in Eha-Amufu, the current state administration has gone a long way in restoring order, peace, and security in Eha-Amufu and Isi-Uzo. One of the key testaments is that there is no longer a single Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in the entire Isi-Uzo since a few months after the governor was sworn in. Our people are in their homes, unlike in 2022 when traditional rulers and religious leaders relocated from Eha-Amufu to other towns and cities”.
The Council admonished “those that promote crisis and instigate protest to desist from such actions in their own interest and in the interest of our communities.”
Meanwhile, an Eha-Amufu-based clergy and some political actors named by the women as sponsors of the protests are expected to face investigation by security agencies.
On Wednesday, the Nigerian Senate rejected a sexual harassment petition filed by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan against Senate President Godswill Akpabio, following a heated plenary session marked by procedural debates and conflicting viewpoints.
At the outset of the session, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan stood to present her petition, reading it out loud before handing it to Akpabio, who initially accepted it. However, tensions flared when Senate Chief Whip, Senator Tahir Munguno, questioned the petition’s validity on procedural grounds.
Referencing Order 40(4) of the Senate rules, Munguno cautioned that deviating from established procedures could result in “chaos and anarchy.” He claimed the petition was procedurally flawed, asserting that Senate rules prohibit a senator from signing and submitting their own petition. “Senator Natasha signed her own petition, which renders it invalid,” he stated.
In response, Akpoti-Uduaghan clarified that her legal case was not about sexual harassment but was instead concerned with defamatory comments regarding her attire. She invoked Order 10, allowing any senator to speak at any time, and insisted that her petition deserved consideration.
Former Senate Leader Abdullahi Adamu tried to de-escalate the situation by suggesting that since Akpabio had already accepted the petition, it ought to be forwarded to the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Code of Conduct for review. However, this proposal further divided opinions, resulting in a flurry of points of order and a brief uproar in the chamber.
Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele weighed in, reiterating that no senator can author and sign their own petition. He also highlighted that the issue was already before the courts, as Akpabio’s wife had initiated legal proceedings, placing it sub judice and outside the Senate’s jurisdiction.
“Mr. President, I sympathise with you as a man facing accusations of sexual harassment,” Bamidele said. “However, we must adhere to the Constitution and our Rule Book, rather than our emotions. You accepted the petition based on sentiment, but we must uphold due process.”
In his defence, Akpabio clarified that his decision to accept the petition stemmed from a desire to avoid creating the impression that he was attempting to silence Akpoti-Uduaghan due to personal implications in the matter.
“I accepted that petition because I didn’t want people to think I was deliberately suppressing her,” Akpabio explained.
Despite calls for a closed-door session, Akpabio ruled that the plenary should continue. Ultimately, the Senate backed the Senate Leader’s argument and rejected the petition, bringing this contentious issue to a close—at least within the legislative chamber.
Senator, Florence Ita-Giwa, has faulted Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s sexua| harassment claim, saying once women become senators, they can’t be sexually harassed.
According to her, it is a sign of weakness to come out as a Senator to say you were sexually harrassed.
Recall that last Friday, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan was on Arise TV where she accused Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, of maligning her and blocking any motion she submits because she has refused to give in to his sexual advances.
Reacting to Natasha’s allegation, Senator Ita-Giwa while speaking on Arise TV this morning, said women can’t claim to be sexually harassed when they are elected into the Senate.
In her words
“By the time you contest elections and get to Senate, you have passed that stage of your life of being sexually harassed. You go there to serve, and you are all equal in that place. And again, it shows weakness; you don’t allow it. It (sexual harassment) can not happen in the Senate.
I am not saying the lady is lying, but when you get to the Senate, you’re there as a person. You’re not there as a woman.
At that stage in politics, if you come out and say someone is sexually harassing you, it is a weakness.”
When asked if female lawmakers should keep quiet when their colleague sexually harasses them, Ita-Giwa insisted that it is a sign of weakness for female senators to accuse their colleagues of making passes at them.
“On this matter, I am not with Senator Akpoti. It is the worst sign of weakness on a woman’s part to come out and accuse a man of making passes at you at that level,” she said
She maintained that female senators should see themselves as equal lawmakers to their male counterparts because winning senatorial elections is not easy.
June 12, 1993, presidential election is arguably one of the most important events in Nigeria in our lifetime. I always have this conviction that though history can be mad at times, history is made all the time. There’s practically no Nigerian that has not heard about June 12. The importance and popularity of that date came alive again on February 20, 2025, when General Ibrahim Babangida launched his autobiography, Journey in Service, in which he laboured, rather very weakly, to explain inaccurately and in a dribbling style his role in the annulment of the June 12 presidential election won by MKO Abiola. At the end of the whole saga, Babangida, yet again, scored an own goal against himself and left the dark wounds of June 12 unhealed. He indeed added insult to the injury. Maybe the gap toothed General will realise, after all these years, that it’s only the truth that genuinely heals and in the absence of the truth, silence would have been a more preferred destination.
I was an eye witness to the events of June 12. I do not need to read anybody’s version to tell the correct version of the story of June 12. The summary of the whole episode is that Babangida, as Commander-in- Chief of the Armed Forces, established a fake transition to civil rule programme in which he never intended to hand over power to anyone and at the end of the day, annulled his fake transition to civil rule and was forced to step aside by a country that became tired of his unending insincere transition to nowhere.
Babangida assumed power on 27 August, 1985 in a bloodless coup that overthrew the “holier-than-thou” Muhammadu Buhari, whom he and Abacha brought into power on 31st December, 1983, after removing Alhaji Shehu Shagari, the first executive President of Nigeria, thereby ending the second republic. Almost on that same day, Babangida promised the whole world that he was going to hand over power to a democratically elected government by 1990. Along the line, he kept modifying the programme and shifting the dates until Nigerians concluded that he had a hidden agenda.
For the avoidance of doubt, Babangida established the political bureau that advised him on the political journey he undertook. Against all democratic norms, he established two political parties, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) and commanded all politicians who wanted to contest elections to join any of them. He wrote their constitutions and manifestos. He built their secretariats in all the local governments in Nigeria. He scheduled the timetable for elections. He banned the people he didn’t want from contesting and called the resultant remnants “new breed.” Indeed he owned the transition. It’s instructive that when he did all these things, he didn’t say that he was intimidated, induced, coerced, or influenced by any human being to do such. He was 100 percent in charge and was in power. Of course, he was a military dictator who governed through decrees. His word was law.He conducted the gubernatorial election in 1991 and shifted the presidential election to 1992 just to gain two more years for himself. He effectively enthroned the undesirable diarchy in which the country didn’t know whether they were governed by decrees or laws. By 1992, Babangida organised the presidential election primaries for the two political parties won by Gen Shehu Musa Yar’Adua of the SDP and Adamu Ciroma of the NRC. After concluding that the primary elections were rigged, he cancelled them and cunningly shifted the election to 1993 and decided that 27th August, the eighth anniversary of his regime will be the handover date for his transition after the presidential election fixed for June 12, 1993. At this stage, nobody assisted him in annulling the elections and shifting the date. In Nigeria, as at then, nobody, including Abacha, believed that Babangida was serious about handing over power.
The political parties, surprisingly, according to Babangida, conducted a peaceful, hitch free presidential primary elections, adopting option A4, in which Bashorun MKO Abiola of the SDP and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the NRC emerged as the presidential candidates. Things were moving very well towards June 12. However, an organisation called Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) led by Arthur Nzeribe, sprung up from nowhere and endorsed Babangida to govern for the next four years. IBB himself, inadvertently, in his book endorsed this request. Hear him, “amid the fierce opposition we faced then from civil society, any sign of ‘approval’ from even a seemingly suspicious quarter was a relief! If we didn’t stop the torrent of abuse and opposition to us, why should we stop the only ray of ‘approval’ that came our way?”(P 284). As noted by IBB, he refused to stop ABN from trying to persuade Nigerians that IBB should annul the transition and continue in power in perpetuity which the civil society organizations opposed.
On June 10th, 1993, Justice Bassey Ikpeme issued an injunction stopping the election of June 12. Babangida summoned a meeting to feel the pulse of his followers, to understand the decision to take. Ordinarily, if Babangida wasn’t part of the plot to abort the transition, he needed not summon any meeting because he made the Decree 13 that ousted the jurisdiction of any court to make such order. He would have just ordered Prof Humphrey Nwosu to proceed with the election. At the meeting, Nwosu overwhelmed them with superior argument which left Babangida with no other choice than to issue the order to the Prof that he should proceed with the election. His order however proved that whatever IBB wanted done was done irrespective of who was opposed to it and no matter whose ox was gored, whether it was a court or NEC chairman or an Abacha whom IBB admitted was in that meeting when he made the order.
There was only one excuse Babangida and his anti-transition lieutenants waited for to annul the election. Allegations of rigging and violent elections. Unfortunately, the politicians denied him the opportunity. Hear Babangida, “On Saturday, June 12, 1993, the Presidential elections took place as planned. To my surprise, the polls were not just peaceful but very peaceful indeed!” (P 274) Why would Babangida be surprised if he expected the election to be peaceful? He was surprised because contrary to his expectation of a rowdy election which would have given him the excuse to annul the election, he disappointingly saw a peaceful election which denied him the opportunity of an excuse to annul the election. A non-desperate leader would have known that his time was up at this time and allowed the election to be completed and handed over to the winner. But IBB was so desperate to remain in power that he suspended the announcement of the results and went ahead to annul the election.
IBB himself noted thus: “Voting took place in all the 110,000 polling stations in the country, and in keeping with the Modified Open Ballot System (MOBS) as stipulated in Decree 13, counting took place flawlessly in the open, followed almost simultaneously with an open collation that allowed for final results to be attained quickly. Using a giant board in front of its Abuja offices, NEC started, as early as June 13, as stipulated by the Electoral law, to display already released results from all 30 State Headquarters of NEC before the Resident Electoral Commissioners brought them to Abuja for final ratification. That process of public display of results, which had now covered 14 states, continued until June 14. And then, on June 16, without my knowledge or prior approval, NEC Chairman, Professor Nwosu, announced the suspension of the June 12 election results ‘until further notice’. I knew instantly that certain fifth columnists were at work and that there was a need for extra care!.” (P 274)
IBB, rather than standing with the Prof to conclude the election, ran to Minna and made himself incommunicado. He admitted that within this interregnum, the option of annulment was agreed by all of them. Hear IBB: “Yes, during the stalemate that followed the termination of the results announcement, the possibility of annulment that could lead to fresh elections was loosely broached in passing. But annulment was only a component of a series of other options.” (P 275)
Despite his claim that he wasn’t aware of the preliminary announcement of the annulment of the election by Nduka Irabor, the Press Secretary of his second-in-command, Admiral Aikhomu, on June 23, obviously to test the waters and prepare for his own announcement, he went ahead personally on 26 June to officially put his seal of authority on the annulment by announcing it publicly in a broadcast, claiming that the election was rigged, and obviously contradicting himself that the election was peaceful and hitch free. (P 277)
Babangida, and Babangida alone annulled the June 12 election because he didn’t want to leave power. His utterance, “These nefarious ‘inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me!’ I would later find out that the ‘forces’ led by General Sani Abacha annulled the elections” (P 275) was patently false. IBB was too smart to be outflanked. Indeed IBB disrespected himself and displayed cowardice by insinuating that his junior officers persuaded him, against his will, to annul the election which he knew was free, fair, and credible.
Does this imply that Abacha was innocent in the annulment of the transition to civil rule? There were various interests in the June 12 debacle. The Babangida interest, Abacha interest, Dangiwa interest, and Abiola interest. Abacha was central to every party to the transition. He understood the genuine desire of all of them and utilised the opportunity to achieve his own interest. Abacha wanted to be Head of State and bid his time to achieve that purpose. He had been a professional coup plotter and knew the best time to strike. His strategy was simple, play along with every party with the impression that he will help each party realise each party’s interest and dump the party after using the party to actualize his own interest which was to become the Head of State.
Abacha knew that Babangida didn’t want to leave power but also understood that if Babangida allowed the transition to be successful, he wouldn’t be Head of State. He created the impression to Babangida that he will support him if he annulled the election and Babangida fell for it. After the annulment, he withdrew support from Babangida and his regime collapsed. Babangida alluded indirectly to this in his book. Hear him, “But it’s also correct that he (Abacha) was a complex character. He was capable of bottling up a lot inside without giving a hint of where he was. And then, suddenly, the bottle bursts, and we begin to see a different person. I obviously didn’t know everything about him! For instance, I was alarmed to discover that he and a handful of others mobilised negative opinions against me within the military, portraying me as the problem. That campaign was geared towards a violent military coup to remove me as President forcefully.” (P 278)
Babangida was right here. Unknown to Babangida, at the same time Abacha was supporting him to annul the election, he was mobilising the Dangiwa group against Babangida, creating the impression to them that Babangida wasn’t sincere with his transition and didn’t want to leave power. Abacha knew that the Dangiwa group was the sincere group who was ashamed of the military reneging on its promise to hand over power to civilians and wanted to redeem the image of the military by all means even if it meant taking out Babangida. When Babangida stepped aside, Abacha turned against the Dangiwa group and retired them out of the army because he knew that they will be an obstacle to his ascendancy to become Head of State.
Abiola interest was the revalidation of his mandate. Abacha understood the magnitude of this mandate and the unyielding resolve of the Nigerian civil society in the revalidation of the mandate. He created the impression to MKO that he should just be patient and allow him to take over power to revalidate the mandate. MKO believed him and started praising him openly and telling people that he is a General in love with democracy and will do the right thing at the slightest opportunity. Meanwhile, Abacha actually loathed Abiola. (P279).
The Interim National Government led by Shonekan was declared illegal by the courts and Shonekan resigned, obviously by the subtle push from Abacha, supported by the Abiola group. Abacha assumed power as Head of State and Abiola was one of the earliest callers to show solidarity with him obviously hoping that Abacha will put all the necessary arrangements to revalidate June 12. Abacha beamed the visit to the whole world and created the impression that his taking over power was accepted by all. The observation Babangida made about Abacha, “And then, suddenly, the bottle bursts, and we begin to see a different person,” perfectly reflects what happened.
Abacha quickly consolidated himself in power and retired all known officers loyal to IBB or professional coup plotters, or sympathetic to the June 12 struggle. Before Abiola realised it, it was late. In frustration, Abiola declared himself President. Abacha arrested him and threw him into jail. It was in Abacha’s interest that Abiola remained alive but in jail. He understood that if Abiola remained alive, no other politician will be interested in being a democratically elected President because no politician will be able to have power to deal with the crises of June 12 annulment. Indeed, no notable politician genuinely aspired to succeed Abacha in his lifetime. Even when Abacha orchestrated a transition to civil rule, all the five political parties, which Bola Ige described as the five fingers of a leprous hand, adopted Abacha as their unanimous choice for President until he suddenly died. About one month later, Abiola also, in similar circumstances, died under the regime of Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, paving way for the transition to the fourth republic, which we have today.
June 12, 1993, presidential election is arguably one of the most important events in Nigeria in our lifetime. I always have this conviction that though history can be mad at times, history is made all the time. There’s practically no Nigerian that has not heard about June 12. The importance and popularity of that date came alive again on February 20, 2025, when General Ibrahim Babangida launched his autobiography, Journey in Service, in which he laboured, rather very weakly, to explain inaccurately and in a dribbling style his role in the annulment of the June 12 presidential election won by MKO Abiola. At the end of the whole saga, Babangida, yet again, scored an own goal against himself and left the dark wounds of June 12 unhealed. He indeed added insult to the injury. Maybe the gap toothed General will realise, after all these years, that it’s only the truth that genuinely heals and in the absence of the truth, silence would have been a more preferred destination.
I was an eye witness to the events of June 12. I do not need to read anybody’s version to tell the correct version of the story of June 12. The summary of the whole episode is that Babangida, as Commander-in- Chief of the Armed Forces, established a fake transition to civil rule programme in which he never intended to hand over power to anyone and at the end of the day, annulled his fake transition to civil rule and was forced to step aside by a country that became tired of his unending insincere transition to nowhere.
Babangida assumed power on 27 August, 1985 in a bloodless coup that overthrew the “holier-than-thou” Muhammadu Buhari, whom he and Abacha brought into power on 31st December, 1983, after removing Alhaji Shehu Shagari, the first executive President of Nigeria, thereby ending the second republic. Almost on that same day, Babangida promised the whole world that he was going to hand over power to a democratically elected government by 1990. Along the line, he kept modifying the programme and shifting the dates until Nigerians concluded that he had a hidden agenda.
For the avoidance of doubt, Babangida established the political bureau that advised him on the political journey he undertook. Against all democratic norms, he established two political parties, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) and commanded all politicians who wanted to contest elections to join any of them. He wrote their constitutions and manifestos. He built their secretariats in all the local governments in Nigeria. He scheduled the timetable for elections. He banned the people he didn’t want from contesting and called the resultant remnants “new breed.” Indeed he owned the transition. It’s instructive that when he did all these things, he didn’t say that he was intimidated, induced, coerced, or influenced by any human being to do such. He was 100 percent in charge and was in power. Of course, he was a military dictator who governed through decrees. His word was law.He conducted the gubernatorial election in 1991 and shifted the presidential election to 1992 just to gain two more years for himself. He effectively enthroned the undesirable diarchy in which the country didn’t know whether they were governed by decrees or laws. By 1992, Babangida organised the presidential election primaries for the two political parties won by Gen Shehu Musa Yar’Adua of the SDP and Adamu Ciroma of the NRC. After concluding that the primary elections were rigged, he cancelled them and cunningly shifted the election to 1993 and decided that 27th August, the eighth anniversary of his regime will be the handover date for his transition after the presidential election fixed for June 12, 1993. At this stage, nobody assisted him in annulling the elections and shifting the date. In Nigeria, as at then, nobody, including Abacha, believed that Babangida was serious about handing over power.
The political parties, surprisingly, according to Babangida, conducted a peaceful, hitch free presidential primary elections, adopting option A4, in which Bashorun MKO Abiola of the SDP and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the NRC emerged as the presidential candidates. Things were moving very well towards June 12. However, an organisation called Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) led by Arthur Nzeribe, sprung up from nowhere and endorsed Babangida to govern for the next four years. IBB himself, inadvertently, in his book endorsed this request. Hear him, “amid the fierce opposition we faced then from civil society, any sign of ‘approval’ from even a seemingly suspicious quarter was a relief! If we didn’t stop the torrent of abuse and opposition to us, why should we stop the only ray of ‘approval’ that came our way?”(P 284). As noted by IBB, he refused to stop ABN from trying to persuade Nigerians that IBB should annul the transition and continue in power in perpetuity which the civil society organizations opposed.
On June 10th, 1993, Justice Bassey Ikpeme issued an injunction stopping the election of June 12. Babangida summoned a meeting to feel the pulse of his followers, to understand the decision to take. Ordinarily, if Babangida wasn’t part of the plot to abort the transition, he needed not summon any meeting because he made the Decree 13 that ousted the jurisdiction of any court to make such order. He would have just ordered Prof Humphrey Nwosu to proceed with the election. At the meeting, Nwosu overwhelmed them with superior argument which left Babangida with no other choice than to issue the order to the Prof that he should proceed with the election. His order however proved that whatever IBB wanted done was done irrespective of who was opposed to it and no matter whose ox was gored, whether it was a court or NEC chairman or an Abacha whom IBB admitted was in that meeting when he made the order.
There was only one excuse Babangida and his anti-transition lieutenants waited for to annul the election. Allegations of rigging and violent elections. Unfortunately, the politicians denied him the opportunity. Hear Babangida, “On Saturday, June 12, 1993, the Presidential elections took place as planned. To my surprise, the polls were not just peaceful but very peaceful indeed!” (P 274) Why would Babangida be surprised if he expected the election to be peaceful? He was surprised because contrary to his expectation of a rowdy election which would have given him the excuse to annul the election, he disappointingly saw a peaceful election which denied him the opportunity of an excuse to annul the election. A non-desperate leader would have known that his time was up at this time and allowed the election to be completed and handed over to the winner. But IBB was so desperate to remain in power that he suspended the announcement of the results and went ahead to annul the election.
IBB himself noted thus: “Voting took place in all the 110,000 polling stations in the country, and in keeping with the Modified Open Ballot System (MOBS) as stipulated in Decree 13, counting took place flawlessly in the open, followed almost simultaneously with an open collation that allowed for final results to be attained quickly. Using a giant board in front of its Abuja offices, NEC started, as early as June 13, as stipulated by the Electoral law, to display already released results from all 30 State Headquarters of NEC before the Resident Electoral Commissioners brought them to Abuja for final ratification. That process of public display of results, which had now covered 14 states, continued until June 14. And then, on June 16, without my knowledge or prior approval, NEC Chairman, Professor Nwosu, announced the suspension of the June 12 election results ‘until further notice’. I knew instantly that certain fifth columnists were at work and that there was a need for extra care!.” (P 274)
IBB, rather than standing with the Prof to conclude the election, ran to Minna and made himself incommunicado. He admitted that within this interregnum, the option of annulment was agreed by all of them. Hear IBB: “Yes, during the stalemate that followed the termination of the results announcement, the possibility of annulment that could lead to fresh elections was loosely broached in passing. But annulment was only a component of a series of other options.” (P 275)
Despite his claim that he wasn’t aware of the preliminary announcement of the annulment of the election by Nduka Irabor, the Press Secretary of his second-in-command, Admiral Aikhomu, on June 23, obviously to test the waters and prepare for his own announcement, he went ahead personally on 26 June to officially put his seal of authority on the annulment by announcing it publicly in a broadcast, claiming that the election was rigged, and obviously contradicting himself that the election was peaceful and hitch free. (P 277)
Babangida, and Babangida alone annulled the June 12 election because he didn’t want to leave power. His utterance, “These nefarious ‘inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me!’ I would later find out that the ‘forces’ led by General Sani Abacha annulled the elections” (P 275) was patently false. IBB was too smart to be outflanked. Indeed IBB disrespected himself and displayed cowardice by insinuating that his junior officers persuaded him, against his will, to annul the election which he knew was free, fair, and credible.
Does this imply that Abacha was innocent in the annulment of the transition to civil rule? There were various interests in the June 12 debacle. The Babangida interest, Abacha interest, Dangiwa interest, and Abiola interest. Abacha was central to every party to the transition. He understood the genuine desire of all of them and utilised the opportunity to achieve his own interest. Abacha wanted to be Head of State and bid his time to achieve that purpose. He had been a professional coup plotter and knew the best time to strike. His strategy was simple, play along with every party with the impression that he will help each party realise each party’s interest and dump the party after using the party to actualize his own interest which was to become the Head of State.
Abacha knew that Babangida didn’t want to leave power but also understood that if Babangida allowed the transition to be successful, he wouldn’t be Head of State. He created the impression to Babangida that he will support him if he annulled the election and Babangida fell for it. After the annulment, he withdrew support from Babangida and his regime collapsed. Babangida alluded indirectly to this in his book. Hear him, “But it’s also correct that he (Abacha) was a complex character. He was capable of bottling up a lot inside without giving a hint of where he was. And then, suddenly, the bottle bursts, and we begin to see a different person. I obviously didn’t know everything about him! For instance, I was alarmed to discover that he and a handful of others mobilised negative opinions against me within the military, portraying me as the problem. That campaign was geared towards a violent military coup to remove me as President forcefully.” (P 278)
Babangida was right here. Unknown to Babangida, at the same time Abacha was supporting him to annul the election, he was mobilising the Dangiwa group against Babangida, creating the impression to them that Babangida wasn’t sincere with his transition and didn’t want to leave power. Abacha knew that the Dangiwa group was the sincere group who was ashamed of the military reneging on its promise to hand over power to civilians and wanted to redeem the image of the military by all means even if it meant taking out Babangida. When Babangida stepped aside, Abacha turned against the Dangiwa group and retired them out of the army because he knew that they will be an obstacle to his ascendancy to become Head of State.
Abiola interest was the revalidation of his mandate. Abacha understood the magnitude of this mandate and the unyielding resolve of the Nigerian civil society in the revalidation of the mandate. He created the impression to MKO that he should just be patient and allow him to take over power to revalidate the mandate. MKO believed him and started praising him openly and telling people that he is a General in love with democracy and will do the right thing at the slightest opportunity. Meanwhile, Abacha actually loathed Abiola. (P279).
The Interim National Government led by Shonekan was declared illegal by the courts and Shonekan resigned, obviously by the subtle push from Abacha, supported by the Abiola group. Abacha assumed power as Head of State and Abiola was one of the earliest callers to show solidarity with him obviously hoping that Abacha will put all the necessary arrangements to revalidate June 12. Abacha beamed the visit to the whole world and created the impression that his taking over power was accepted by all. The observation Babangida made about Abacha, “And then, suddenly, the bottle bursts, and we begin to see a different person,” perfectly reflects what happened.
Abacha quickly consolidated himself in power and retired all known officers loyal to IBB or professional coup plotters, or sympathetic to the June 12 struggle. Before Abiola realised it, it was late. In frustration, Abiola declared himself President. Abacha arrested him and threw him into jail. It was in Abacha’s interest that Abiola remained alive but in jail. He understood that if Abiola remained alive, no other politician will be interested in being a democratically elected President because no politician will be able to have power to deal with the crises of June 12 annulment. Indeed, no notable politician genuinely aspired to succeed Abacha in his lifetime. Even when Abacha orchestrated a transition to civil rule, all the five political parties, which Bola Ige described as the five fingers of a leprous hand, adopted Abacha as their unanimous choice for President until he suddenly died. About one month later, Abiola also, in similar circumstances, died under the regime of Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, paving way for the transition to the fourth republic, which we have today.
The leadership of the Young Progressives Party, YPP, has said that the party is re-strategizing to take over governance in Anambra come November 8; to enable it unleash people-oriented programs in the state, adding that the party is geared towards breeding a new set of leaders through “ballot revolution”.
Speaking at a press conference in Awka, the YPP leadership, including the National Chairman, Bishop Emmanuel Amakiri, represented by the National Secretary, Barrister Vidiyeno Bamaiyi, Anambra State leader of the party, Chief Dr Chinedu Umeadi, Agunechemba, and the state Chairman, Honourable Prince Moses Obi, noted that the party did well in the last political outing in the state; resulting in increase in its followership, and has re-strategized to make more impact in future outings.
On 2025 Anambra governorship position, the party announced March 1 as date for commencement of sale of nomination and expression of interest forms, adding that it has no zoning arrangement, and that sale of form for the election is free for women as special incentive.
On the by-election for Anambra South Senatorial District, the party said the chance to produce late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah’s replacement should have been given to them unchallenged.
On state of Anambra affairs, the YPP leader in the state, Chief Dr Umeadi, declined comment, but wished Governor Chukwuma Soludo well in office, even as he promised to support any candidate of his YPP party in the coming Anambra governorship election.
Asked what they will do different, the YPP leadership said the party will better than APGA in all aspects.
On possibility of supporting APC because of the late Senator Ubah, the said no, adding that the late Senator was right in his decision, and still has respect of YPP members.
Earlier at a meeting of YPP members from across the state, a minute silence was observed in honor and appreciation of the late Senator Ubah, whom Dr Umeadi said was the reason he entered YPP.
While calling for membership drive to strengthen the party, Dr Umeadi explained that the more stakeholders, the more grounded the party is for any meaningful outing during election, and charged members to be consistent and make serious commitment for success of the party.
He said he is open to discussion with people across party lines, even as his membership of YPP remains certain.
The member representing Oyi Constituency at the Anambra State House of Assembly, Hon. Innocent Ojike has frowned at the attitude of the Special Adviser to the Governor on Security, Air Vice Marshall (AVM) Ben Chiobi and Senior Special Assistant on Security, Hon. Mazi Chukwuma Okparaezechukwu foru sing their positions to harass and intimidate his people.
Hon. Ojike in a petition addressed to Governor Chukwuma Soludo against Chiobi and Okparaezechukwu, stated that the two appointees of the Anambra State government have abused and ridiculed their exalted offices by using their positions as paid agents to torment, threaten, harass, intimidate and wrestle the communal land of his people.
The lawmaker revealed that Chiobi and Okparaezechukwu used different security outfits such as State Vigilante, Anti-Tout and Agụnechemba to intimate, harass, torment and threaten his people in a very lawless manner to ensure that the market project is executed even in contravention of a lawful order of the Otuocha High court.
According to Hon. Ojike these individuals are appointees of the state government who are supposed to uphold the rule of law, order and best democratic practices.
“The matter had been determined and Appeal entered in 2013 at the Court of Appeal Enugu, now Awka- Appeal no CA/AW/446/2013.
“The land in dispute has a valid STAY OF EXECUTION ORDER in suit No: . OT/50/2009.
“The matter is still pending at the Court of Appeal Awka till date. The order of Injunction issued by Anulude J in January, 2014, is still valid”. The lawmaker stated.
A community leader in Anambra State, Barr. Nonso Madu has again eulogised Governor Chukwuma Soludo for his giant strides and unprecedented achievements in all sectors of the State economy.
Speaking to Government House correspondents in Awka when he paid a courtesy visit to Governor soludo, Madu said he personally came to thank the Governor for his continued efforts to improve the security of lives and property in Anambra State.
He thanked Governor Chukwuma Soludo for his recent on the spot visit to assess the improving security situation in Owerre- Ezukala, Ogbunka and Umunze.
Barr.Madu who is a native of Owerre-Ezukala, also assured the Governor of the willingness of the people of Owerre- Ezukala to assist the government to flush out the criminal elements that have set up crime camps in the bushes in the community.
Speaking further, Madu stated that the good people of Owerre-Ezukala are happy with the efforts of the Governor to restore order to the community and assured the Governor of his continued support.
Barr.Madu further congratulated Gov soludo for winning the prestigious Sun Newspaper Man of the year award for his outstanding achievements in Anambra state.
