THE KEMI BADENOCH NIGHTMARE, KPEROGI’S OBSOLETE BALAISM AND ISMAIL MISBAHU’S ANIMATED POVERTY OF FULANI HISTORICISM – Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe

January 21, 2025

Let me begin by stating ipso facto that Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch did not invent the idea of the Yoruba declaring the Fulani their Northern enemies. Hugh Clapperton, the 19th century British explorer of River Niger noted the inveterate hatred the Yoruba of Oyo had for the Fulani during his visit to the Alafin of Oyo shortly before the destruction of the old Capital Oyo-Ile (Katunga). This was expressly stated by E. N. Bovil (See E. N. Bovil The Niger Explored London: Oxford University Press, 1968, 198):

“All Clapperton wanted of the Alafin was his help in reaching Sokoto but he could not say so because the Fulani were hated enemies who were at this time raiding Yoruba almost up to the walls of Katunga.”

I just read a rejoinder to my essay on Prof Farooq Adamu Kperogi by one Ismail Misbahu who describes himself as a postgraduate student of history at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, titled “Badenoch in the Midst of Kperogi and Nwankwo: An Account of Intellectual Partisanship”, published January 17, 2025 by Opinion Nigeria online news media.
One can rightly say that the piece was quite encouraging, especially coming from a professional historian-in-training. Although he tried spiritedly to impress his teachers as well as Farooq Kparogi that he is capable of putting Odogwu Dr. Nwankwo Tony Nwaezeigwe down on his intellectual knees, but as a student which he is, there is the limit to which he can undertake such fortuitous intellectual promenade.

Indeed, if I were still at University of Nigeria, Nsukka, judging from the below average standard of the essay I would have assigned one of my average undergraduate students to undertake the rejoinder on my behalf. On the other hand, if I decide to ignore him, it would amount to Palestinian victory for the Palestinians. At any rate, I will use the standard of his logical presentation to assess the standard of those who teach him at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

For people like Farooq Adamu Kperogi and Ismail Misbahu, Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch will continue to remain a nightmare to them, as David Foster Wallace rightly put it, “The truth will set you free. But not until it is finished with you.” Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch raised hypothetical issues on Nigerian nationality question which many people know but have refused to address, and which neither Farooq Adamu Kperogi nor his surrogate defender Ismail Misbahu attempted to address, but instead engaged themselves in peripatetic limbless intellectual pugilism driven by obdurate ignorance of Nigerian history. Like his kinsman Farooq Kperogi, Misbahu still went off-track dancing around the settled matter of Yoruba etymology, abandoning the substance of the discourse which is anchored on the three ethno-historical variables of ethnicity, enmity, and geopolitics of the Nigerian nation.

Ismaila Misbahu in his intoxicated infantile enthusiasm, instead of addressing the facts as were hypothetically presented by Rt. Hon Kemi Badenoch, and historically diluted by me, spent the greater part of his paper in constructing a non-existent historical myth round the then well-known Marxist historian Yusufu Bala Usman of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, another scion of Sokoto Caliphate like Farooq Adamu Kperogi. Deceptively seeing Farooq Adamu Kperogi through intellectual spectacle of Bala Usman, Ismaila Misbahu amusingly titled the section “Kperogi in Bala Usman.” One could not however fathom the intellectual basis of the comparison between the renowned critical thinker cum historian Yusufu Usman Bala and the presumptuous intellectual popinjay called Farooq Adamu Kperogi.

While as a student of history I admired Bala Usman for his rugged intellectual Protestantism from Marxist stand-point, his historical contraptions still remained Fulani feudalist-driven, bearing in mind that he was a scion of Katsina Fulani royal family, while his mother was a scion of Kano Fulani royal family, precisely the daughter of Emir Ado Bayero.

Moreover, much of the Marxist utopian ideas propounded by the likes of Yusufu Bala Usman, Esko Toyo and Okwudiba Nnoli no longer apply in contemporary historical prognosis outside their utility as comparative references. So bringing up Bala Usman’s utopian historical exegesis as panoply of the height of Fulani intellectual attainment is not only pitiable but a functional evidence of the poverty of Fulani historicism within the comity of Nigerian historians. The point is that were Ismail Misbahu’s rejoinder answer to an examination question from me, he would have failed woefully. I will prove this assertion of Ismail Misbau’s intellectual Lilliputism seriatim in situ.

Referring to the background of his rejoinder, Ismail Misbau ignorantly stated:

“The second was in the form of diatribe by Dr. Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe, attacking the intellectual maturity, capacity and of course, the personality of professor Kperogi. While Kperogi’s delving into history clearly demonstrates his sincere commitment to love the unity of Nigeria, Nwankwo’s historical profession is but a partisan display of intellectual dishonesty and arrogance. No doubt he ended orating histories that have no concrete basis in history—some of which he cited without any tangible evidence—a tell-tales he’s been hearing from his vehement, unfriendly religious and ethnic atmosphere. At some instances, both Nwankwo and Kperogi patronise selectivity of sources, normal as it is, but also neglecting other relevant authorities.”

I will take the above wobbly verbosity sentence by sentence.

First, my response to Farooq Kparogi was not a “form” of diatribe but a clear diatribe rebutting Farooq Kperogi’s supposed intellectual maturity because he wrote like an intellectual minion in the subject matter of history; he also lacked the capacity of moral judgment anchored on critical application of historical facts; moreover, if he actually has a personality that is worth noticing, then he should have been reminded that Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch occupies a position no Fulani in history nah the late Sardauna of Sokoto Sir Ahmadu Bello had attained and as such deserves better respect than what exhumed from his leprous-mouth.

Does Ismaila Misbahu compare the psycho-politically redundant Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations, Alhaja Amina Mohammed who was foisted as Nigeria’s representative by the prodigal misuse of Nigeria’s oil money for lobby, to Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch who rose to power by the sheer mark of merit through the popular will of British people?

When Ismail Misbahu wrote, “While Kperogi’s delving into history clearly demonstrates his sincere commitment to love the unity of Nigeria, Nwankwo’s historical profession is but a partisan display of intellectual dishonesty and arrogance”, it reminds me of Prof M. G. Smith’s statement in his article titled, “The Jihad of Shehu Dan Fodio: some problems”, published as a chapter in Prof I. M. Lewis’ edited book, Islam in Tropical Africa: “There is no doubt that the ruling Fulani, particularly in Sokoto Province, have actively nourished and reinterpreted the memory of this jihad, and especially the charisma of Shehu dan Fodio in ways politically serviceable to their rule.”

Here one can rightly say that Kperogi’s sense of commitment to love and unity of Nigeria as claimed by Ismail Misbahu cannot be different from his subterranean mission to reinforce the memory of Usman dan Fodio’s jihad, as Prof Smith puts it, in ways politically serviceable to their rule.”

If one might ask Ismail Masbahu, does this Farooq Adamu Kperogi’s “commitment to love and unity of Nigeria” include those instances of heinous killing of Yoruba people in their homeland by Fulani people of Northern Nigeria as I enumerated previously, which he deliberately shoved away in his pitiable rejoinder by?

Does this same Farooq Adamu Kperogi’s “commitment to love and unity of Nigeria” include the ongoing slaughter of defenseless non-Fulani indigenes of Benue, Kogi, Taraba, Nasarawa, Plateau, Kaduna, Niger, Zamfara, Kebbi, and Sokoto States? Does it also include the ongoing deadly unstoppable jihad activities of Boko Haram, ISWAP, Fulani Herdsmen, and criminal Fulani bandits?

One can accept the assumption of arrogance which is a subjective matter; but for dishonesty, how does it ally with the incontrovertible examples of killings in Yorubaland by Muslim Fulani jihadists masquerading as Herdsmen and bandits which I briefly enumerated but which the same Ismail Misbahu did not dispute with a single phrase of irrefutable evidence? Or does Ismail Misbahu copy and paste words more for their highfalutin sound than applicability in meaning? This was the same copy and paste style that dominated Farooq Kperogi’s exegesis of historical confusion.

The third sentence stated inter alia, “No doubt he ended orating histories that have no concrete basis in history—some of which he cited without any tangible evidence—a tell-tales he’s been hearing from his vehement, unfriendly religious and ethnic atmosphere.” My response in this case is that in due course we will know those histories I cited without concrete basis in history or without tangible evidence, which he describes as “a tell-tales” from “vehement, unfriendly religious and ethnic atmosphere.” Unfortunately, Ismail Misbahu failed to inform us who created his “vehement, unfriendly religious and ethnic atmosphere” in Nigeria today.

Misbahu’s fourth and last statement, “At some instances, both Nwankwo and Kperogi patronise selectivity of sources, normal as it is, but also neglecting other relevant authorities”, is nothing but the cacophonic display of hankering studentism. What does MIsbahu understand by “selectivity of sources?” Were both essays research articles? What were those relevant authorities neglected by Nwankwo Nwaezeigwe that were relevant to the issues raised?

If at all historical sources were cited, they were done as a matter of courtesy of reference to substantiate certain commanding arguments. Were Yusufu Bala Usman and Elizabeth Isichei those authorities considered neglected? I think Ismail Misbahu still needs some tutorials on introductory historiography to properly understand what is meant by relevant authority in historical research.

In his section titled “Nwankwo’s Misrepresentation of History” Ismail Misbahu set out his rickety promenade of attempting to construct a mountain of intellectual self-importance from a molehill of Fulani historical obscurantism in the following words:

“His 4,360 words attack, of which about 2,500 words were but a muddiest, mismatched and confused response to Kperogi, with about 930 words of flattering ignorance about the complex nature of Nigeria’s insecurity while 255 words ended in praise-singing, must stand the chance of winning the 2025 Badanoch’s Award of Ethnic Champion!”

So far, Ismaila Misbahu did not in one phrase contradict any part of the 2,500 words of “muddiest, mismatched and confused response to Kperogi.” Does Ismail Misbahu also claim the Owo Church massacre, the killing of three Ekiti monarchs in their State, the frequent kidnapping, raping and killing of innocent people by his Fulani jihadist herdsmen and bandits part of the “930 words of flattering ignorance about the complex nature of Nigeria’s insecurity?” For the 255 words praise-singing for the Rt. Hon Kemi Badenoch, there is doubting the fact that by the current state of her political attainment she’s worth thousands of words of praise-singing and not a paltry 255 words. I only stopped at 255-word praise-singing for that indomitable Oduduwa Lioness and political goddess of Nigerian Christendom just for want of space.

Writing in a manner that clearly defines historical sheepism, or better still historical herdology; that is interpreting history with the linear mentality of sheep following the other without looking beyond or, cattle following a Fulani herdsman without independent thinking faculty, Ismail Misbahu yawed in the following words:
Unfortunately for Nwankwo, Kperogi is not an ethnic champion and that is why he devoted attention to various historical accounts—those of Professor Biodun Adediran and Dr. Hussaini Abdu especially—to speak of the fact that ‘Yoruba’ was, in fact, a word first used for Oyo people by ‘Northerners’ and also relate well with the name’s association with Baatonu, all in his attempt to demonstrate how various historical accounts suggest that there’s SOMETHING as opposed to Badenoch’s claiming of having NOTHING in common, with the North.

Is Ismail Misbahu telling us by the above words that just in order not to be called an ethnic champion Prof Farooq Kperogi with all his assumed celebrated intellectual height decided to abandon the substance of Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch‘s assertion and pursued the shadow of the substance in the name arguing over the already known facts of Yoruba etymology? Is it not intellectually pitiable that an intellectually unstable postgraduate student of history will be pleading alibi for such a reputable scholar as Prof Farooq Adamu kperogi for the blunder of presumptuous historical misrepresentation?

Ismail Misbahu goes further in this dismal alibi to state in defense of Farooq kperogi that “there’s SOMETHING as opposed to Badenoch’s claiming of having NOTHING in common, with the North,” without logically defining the character of that something in common between the Yoruba and Fulani outside centuries war, destruction, killing, enslavement, banditry, kidnapping and deceit by the Fulani against the Yoruba, from the era of Old Oyo Kingdom at Oyo-Ile to present-day Nigeria.

Did Ismail Misbahu contradict the above proven instances of the heinous character of Yoruba-Fulani relations as I earlier pointed out? The answer is no. Is it not therefore a case of poverty of Fulani historicism that a postgraduate student of history like Ismail Misbahu should sheepishly follow Farooq Adamu Kperogi in the same journey of illogical obscurantism? What can be more historically dishonest than this?

Reveling in the same Farooq Kperogi’s presumptuous spirit of knowing more than every other person, the little-brained historian-in-training goes further to hypothesize in much a befuddled manner that, “It seems Kperogi understands history better than the person who pseudofiles historical professionalism.” In an attempt to substantiate the above assumption superiority Ismaila Misbahu wrote quoting from my previous essay:
“Historically, the North by British colonial delineation is ethnographically made up of no less than two hundred and fifty ethnic groups of which the Yoruba form a part in the present Kwara and Kogi States.” [Emphasis emboldened]. The North and Yoruba of Kwara and Kogi were not made up of 250 ethnic groups. The myth of 250 ethnic groups has already been resolved by the likes of scholars Nwankwo will not love to hear from.”
The foregoing display of Ismaila Misbahu’s naked ignorance clearly explains the low standard of historical research in Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and the intellectual qualities of his lecturers. It further explains why I noted earlier that this is a rejoinder I could have entrusted to one of my average undergraduate students of the Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka to undertake as an assignment. Indeed Ismail Misbahu failed in both the understanding of simple English grammar, and elementary quantitative history.

Does the statement “Historically, the North by British colonial delineation is ethnographically made up of no less than two hundred and fifty ethnic groups of which the Yoruba form a part in the present Kwara and Kogi States” mean that Northern Nigeria is made up of two hundred and fifty ethnic groups, or that the Yoruba of Kwara and Kogi States are made up of two hundred and fifty ethnic groups? For Ismail Misbahu’s proper understanding of elementary quantitative history, “no less than two hundred and fifty” stands for two hundred and fifty and above, and it does not matter if such number exceeds one thousand, provided it is not below two hundred and fifty.

I believe if Ismail Misbahu’s lecturers had taught him well, he should have known that enumeration of ethnicity in Nigeria does not come with exactitude of number but approximation, often with such words as “below”, “about”, “approximately”, “above”, “More than”, and “less than”, as the case may be. The reason is that there are always constant fission and fusion of different ethnic groups to either seek separate ethnic identity or adopt common ethnic identity. This is further factored by the interchangeability of the three variables of ethnic group, tribe, and language group. For instance in Nigeria, the once popular Hausa-Fulani has given room to separate Hausa and Fulani identities.

In Southern Nigeria for instance, the 1926 Percy Amoury Talbot’s classification of the Igbo consisting 23 tribes gave way to Forde and Jones’ 1950 classification of the Igbo into six sub-ethnic groups. The Ibibio that were once classified by Forde and Jones as one ethnic group are now made up of four distinct ethnic groups—Ibibio proper, Annang, Oron, and Efik. Referencing Yusuf Bala Usman to counter my view in this subject matter with the proceedings of a Workshop paper in Kaduna titled, “The Formation of the Nigerian Economy and Polity” is an insult more than many. What has Nigerian economy and polity to do with ethnic characterization? I think Ismail MIsbahu’s lecturers need to train him better.

Both Richard Sklar and James S. Coleman mentioned like Bala Usman were mere secondly sources. None of them were ethnographers, anthropologists or ethnolinguists. Even Joseph Greenberg’s The Languages of Africa deals with language classification and not ethnic definition. If Ismail Misbau’s teachers were actually dedicated or are well grounded in their subjects of history like their colleagues in University of Nigeria, Nsukka, he should have been informed that there is a distinction between a linguistic group and an ethnic group. For serious students of history unlike the type of Ismail Misbahu, the primary references to understanding the ethnic configurations of the present Northern Nigeria before the later 1940s International African Institute’s army of anthropologists were Charles Lindsay Temple and C. K. Meek.

You can’t be classed among experts in any sub-field of history without proven researched published works either in the form of scholarly journals or mainline books. I can boast today as an expert historian in the areas of Igbo history and ethno-religious conflicts because I can be accessed and proven with my publications. May be Ismail Misbahu thinks he’s debating with his fellow postgraduate student of history.

At this point let me refer Ismail Misbahu to my two books titled respectively, THE AFRICAN THEATER OF THE MIDDLE EAST CONFLICT: Studies in Arab Neo-Colonialism in Black Africa Washington DC: Academica Press Inc., 2019 and, FULANI ETHNO-ISLAMIC CONSPIRACY AND YORUBA SUBJUGATION—From Aare Afonja to Asiwaju Tinubu, published in Lagos by Masterbuilder Communications in 2022, for him to understand that Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch’s assertiveness goes beyond the musings and presumptuous public intellectual showmanship of such Fulani braggarts as Farooq Adamu Kperogi and his intellectual midget Ismail Misbahu.

Still confused with the distinction between language and ethnicity, the postgraduate student of history of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, still goes further to expose, in the manner of the wind blowing open the buttocks of the fowl, the poverty of historical studies in Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, in the following intellectual incongruity:

“The latest available list of Nigerian languages by Keir Hansford, John Bendor and K. Stanford, updated to May 2004 by the more recent scholarly researches including those of D. Crozier, R. Blench, B. Connel and U. Siebert, published in Ethnolougue: Languages of the World, 14th Edition of 2004, as “Languages of Nigeria”, have identified 505 living languages in the country as shown in fig.8.”

This is what we call off-point. The fundamental question to Ismail Misbahu at this stage is did either Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch or Nwankwo Nwaezeigwe speak about languages? Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch was emphatic in her pronouncement of the phrase “our ethnic enemies”, and when I did not in any form mention languages. For the educative information of the Ahmadu Bello University postgraduate student of history Mr. Ismail Misbahu, language group is distinct from ethnic group. A group could lose their original language and still maintain its distinct identity.
An example under my historical research watch are the Ngoni ethnic group of Malawi, Mozambique and Tanzania who lost their Nguni language of South Africa and adopted the languages of their host ethnic groups, (See Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe, Ngoni (A Historical Survey of the Ngoni People of Malawi) New York: The Rosen Publishing Inc., 1997). In the same fashion, the Edo-Speaking people which extend from Northern Edo State to Southern Delta State are made up of many distinct ethnic groups.
The Tukolor ethnic group represented by the Sultan of Sokoto and the Bororo represented by Muhammadu Buhari are two distinct ethnic groups sharing the same Fulbe language. Similarly, the Hutu and Tutsi of both Burundi and Rwanda share common language but belong to distinct ethnic groups. Just tell me why Ismail Misbahu shouldn’t have failed if this paper were an examination especially under my watch? I still believe with what I am seeing that an average undergraduate student of the Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka will do better than this postgraduate student of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

In his section titled, “Confused Tautologies: Nwankwo’s ‘Drip Strategy”, Ismail Misbahu again showcases the poverty of his historical instruction in his Ahmadu Bello University in the following highfalutin demonstration of acute ignorance of Nigerian history:

“Interestingly, the same etymological approach Kperogi employed to show there’s something in common between Yoruba and Northern Nigeria, also employed by his critique, Nwankwo, using the name ‘Nigeria’ to show that it was a British exonym first ‘intended’ to be assigned to ‘Muhammedan Habe (the Hausa-Fulani)’, which according to Nwankwo justifies the Awolowo’s claim that ‘Nigeria is a mere geographical expression.’ Yes, it is true that the name ‘Nigeria’ was intended to be applied to the northern parts of the country, in order to distinguish them from the rest of the Lagos Colony and Niger Coast Protectorate as expressed in a letter wrote by Lugard’s wife, Flora Show, dated 8th January, 1897 and published in The Times of London.”

The foregoing grandiose exposition of ignorance is another reason why Ismail Misbahu should have failed this paper woefully if it were an examination paper under my watch. First before debunking the above misrepresentation let me refer him to my research article titled, “FEMINISM, POWER, AND NIGER EXPLORATION: Accounts of memorable confrontations between the African woman and the Nineteenth Century European Explorer Mungo Park” Integrity Journal of Arts and Humanities Vol. 4 (2) April, 2023, https://integrityresjournals.org/journal/IJAH/edition/30_Apr_2023

First, the term “Nigeria” was not invented by Flora Shaw (Not Show as stated above) who later became Lord Lugard’s wife. She only lifted it from an already existing source as journalists like Farooq Adamu Kperogi often do. This is a privileged source of information none of Ismail Misbahu’s lecturers in the Department of History, Ahmadu University Zaria would have known before now. The name “Nigeria” was coined by William Cole of Liverpool in his book, Life In The Niger or, the Journal of an African Trader, published in 1862 in London, by Saunders, Otley, and Co of 66 Brook Street, Hanover Square. The term came from the sentence, “This is the general mode in which the Nigerians make known their loses.”

Moreover, it was not a letter that was published by Flora Shaw but an article. Flora Shaw was also not married to Frederick Lugard at the time of the publication. Ismail Hisbahu should therefore go back to the classroom and be properly tutored as a student of history before coming out to demonstrate the intellectual deficiencies of Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

The second historical blunder co mitted by Ismail Misbahu was the claim that the name “Nigeria” was originally intended to be used exclusively for Awolowo’s Muhammedan Habe. To put the records straight if his lecturers did not properly inform him; by 1897 when Flora Shaw mentioned Nigeria in her London Times article, there were three and not two independent British colonial territories in the present Southern Nigeria. These were the Colony and Protectorate of Lagos, the Niger Coast Protectorate with Capital in Calabar and, Royal Niger Protectorate with its Capital at Asaba, which extended to Lokoja and Bida, up to the banks of River Benue. Lagos Colony and

It is equally instructive to state that at this point of Nigeria’s history Awolowo’s Muhammadan Habe defined by Sokoto Caliphate was not yet on the map of British colonial possessions. So how could the British have reserved a name for a non-existent territory? In fact as at 1900 when the amalgamation of Niger Coast Protectorate and Royal Niger Protectorate was implemented to create the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria, the present Sokoto Caliphate except Ilorin and Bida was outside the control of the British in what is known today as Northern Nigeria.

Indeed the French right from the border town of Birnin Konni in the present Niger Republic were already stepping into Sokoto when the British crown mandated Lord Lugard to conquer them. This conquest eventually took place in 1903 when the whole Sokoko Caliphate collapsed like packs of wood before the approaching British maxim-gun. It’s unfortunate that Ismail Mishbahu’s lecturers at Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria did not know enough history of Northern Nigeria to properly teach him.

Ismail Misbahu also wants me to provide him with references to substantiate my assertion that Usman dan Fodio was not a proper Fulani but a Tukulor and that the Hausa see the Fulani from two identity perspectives of Bororo and the triple names of Torodbe, Torodo and Toronkawa. This is unfortunate for a postgraduate student of history from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and equally a Fulani, or may be Tukolor. Indeed, this is a perfect example of poor teachers producing poor students.

Let me refer Ismail to what Prof B. G. Martin said in his book, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth Century Africa Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976, page 15, in reference to Shehu Usman dan Fodio, his brother Abdullahi, and his son Muhammad Bello:

“All three men had been educated in the traditional Torodbe…. The Torodbe lived lives in many ways indistinguishable from those of the surrounding Fulani normads. The Torodbe teaching clans were mostly settled, but they occasionally lived among their cattle during periods of good pastorage. To the surrounding Hausa population, then, the words Torodbe, Toronkawa and Torode were virtually identical with Fula.”

Even Shehu Usman dan Fodio and his second son and successor Muhammad Bello did not consider themselves as Fulani but Torobe. Quoting Muhammad Bello in his description of how he mobilized his Senegalese Futa Toro kinsmen to conquer the Hausa, Professor M.G. Smith in article, “The Jihad of Shehu dan Fodio: some problems”, in I. M. Lewis (ed) Islam in Tropical Africa London: Oxford University Press, 1966, page 417, wrote:

“But in most areas as well as Katsina some of their Fulani kindred (the pagan nomads) joined our folk, the followers of the Faith’. From Futa Toro, Sidi al-Mukhtar al-kunti, the Qadirigya Sufi, sent others, Fulani and Torobe to swell Shehu’s jihad.”

This same addle-brained postgraduate student of history from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria called Ismail Misbahu even went further to question my assertion that the word “Fulani” was alien to pre-colonial Nigeria. In his often instinctive portrayal of acute ignorance of Nigerian history, he stated, “The term ‘Fulani’ Nwankwo ‘tells’ without citing any evidence “was alien to pre-colonial Nigeria.”

Well if Nwankwo did not cite any evidence previously, here is the evidence uprooted right from page 69 of William Balfour Baikie’s book titled, Narratives of an Exploring Voyage up the Rivers Kwora and Binue Commonly Known as the Niger and Tshadda in 1854 London: Frank Cass, 1966:
“The enemy they said, did not come on openly; but for several days many of them have been arriving at Panda in small bands, apparently for trade, when suddenly one morning they arose and assaulted the place, so unexpectedly that but little resistance was made Few were killed, but numbers were made captives, the king being among the former. The city was then burnt, after which most of Fulatas retired towards the town of Toto, about which spot they were supposed to still be lingering.”

This was the description by Dr. William Baikie in company of the later Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther of the Fulata (Fulani) destruction of the Ebira town of Panda in 1854; yet scions of jihadists like Farooq Adamu Kperogi and Ismail Misbahu will be concocting unproven love and unity of Nigeria under treacherous Fulani arrogance. It is only a questionable Yoruba patriot that will not ally with Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch in her untainted description of the North defined in this case as the Fulani, as their ethnic enemies. Even Shehu Usman dan Fodio long ago defined the Yoruba as his eternal enemies. Does Ismail Misbahu still need citation to confirm this historical truism? Here is the citation then.

The following statement by Shehu Usman dan Fodio in which he described the Yoruba and their Kings as unbelievers who deserved to be conquered was made in his book published in Arabic titled, Bayan wujub al-hijira (See M. G. Smith, “The Jihad of Shehu dan Fodio: some problems”, in I. M. Lewis (ed) Islam in Tropical Africa London: Oxford University Press, 1966, 413):
“Withdrawal from the towns of the heathen is an essential duty, both in the Koran and the traditions, and in the consensus of the learned…. Now the capital cities of the Sudan are included in the heathen; …these cities fall into three classes…. In one class of these towns, paganism predominates and Islam is very weak, for instance…, Mossi, Gurma, Bussa, Borgu, Dagomba, Yoruba… and Gombe….. The rulers of these countries are all heathen, and so too …their subjects….”

From the foregoing, it is clear to those Yoruba Muslims who ignorantly pride themselves as Islamic brothers of the Fulani that Shehu Usman dan Fodio did not recognize them as true Muslims. So what kind of relationship between the Yoruba and Fulani are Farooq Adamu Kperogi and his intellectual minion kinsman Ismail Misbahu talking about?

In 1902 the Sultan of Sokoto, Abdul‘Rahman ibn Atiku made it known to Lord Lugard in the following words that unless you are a Muslim, any relationship with the Fulani must be ddefined by war (See Sir Charles Orr, The Making of Northern Nigeria London: Frank Cass, 1965, 291):
“From us to you: I do not consent that any one from you should ever dwell with us. I will never agree with you. I will have nothing ever to do with you. Between us and you there is no dealing except as between Musulmans and unbelievers. (‘Kafiri’) – War, as God Almighty has enjoined on us. There is no power or strength safe on high. This with salutations!”

The question to both Farooq Adamu Kperogi and Ismail Misbahu is, are Nigerian Christians and even some unfortunate non-Fulani Muslims not facing the same war levied against them by Sultan Abdul‘Rahman ibn Atiku in 1902 into the present 21st century? So where did Rt. Hon. Kemi Badenoch go wrong?

Even Lord Lugard the architect of modern-day Fulani jihad and political banditry in Nigeria did not hide his express confirmation that the Fulani are enemies of not only the Yoruba but the entire Nigerian Christians when he stated (See Lord Fredrick Lugard The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa London: Frank Cass, 1965, 198):
“We are dealing with the same generation and in many cases with the identical rulers, who were responsible for the misrule and tyranny which we found in 1902. The subject races near the capital were the serfs, and the victims of constant extortion. Those dwelling at a distance were raided for slaves, and could not count their women, their cattle, or their crops their own. Punishments were most barbarous, and included impalement, mutilation, and burying alive.”

The question again to Farooq Adamu Kperogi and Ismail Misbau is did Lord Lugard equally lie by the foregoing statements, and how can the present situation be differentiated from the above statement?

The renowned Yoruba historian, Prof S. A. Akintoye aptly stated (See Revolution and Power Politics in Yorubaland 1840–1893 London: Longman, 1971, 95), “The Fulani strategy of expansion was always to cause division among a people, ally themselves with the weaker to destroy the stronger and then subdue the former….”

This is what the Fulani are doing today in their unhealthy alliance with some disgruntled and ethnically questionable Yoruba Muslims to alienate and eventually destroy the Igbo and the entire Nigerian Christians in their journey to achieve their 19th century jihad objectives.

Let me just conclude here for want of space since this is not a research article; but not without informing Ismail Misbahu that from the foregoing it is obvious that he is a very weak postgraduate student of history at Ahmadu Bello University, not even qualified to compete with the least intelligent of my former undergraduate students at the Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. His abysmal low level of comprehension of elementary logics of historical analysis not only portrays him as a very poor student of history but aptly describes the poor quality of his teachers.

Dr. Nwankwo Tony Nwaezeigwe was formerly Director, Centre for Igbo Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, and presently Odogwu of Ibusa and President, International Coalition against Christian Genocide in Nigeria (ICAC-GEN) He currently writes from exile in Metro-Manila, Philippines. Email: nwaezeigwe.genocideafrica@gmail.com website: https://icac-gen.org

Everything You Need To Know About The New Anambra State Homeland And Security Law, 2025.

bvichannel1

January 18, 2025

Yesterday, during the plenary session, the Anambra State House of Assembly led by the Speaker 𝗥𝘁 𝗛𝗼𝗻 𝗦𝗼𝗺𝘁𝗼𝗰𝗵𝘂𝗸𝘄𝘂 𝗡𝗸𝗲𝗺 𝗨𝗱𝗲𝘇𝗲,𝗣𝗵.𝗗, passed the Anambra State Homeland Security Bill 2025 into Law.

This law gives legislative strength to the efforts of Mr Governor 𝗣𝗿𝗼𝗳 𝗖𝗵𝗮𝗿𝗹𝗲𝘀 𝗖𝗵𝘂𝗸𝘄𝘂𝗺𝗮 𝗦𝗼𝗹𝘂𝗱𝗼, 𝗖𝗙𝗥 in the establishment of a 𝗦𝗘𝗖𝗨𝗥𝗜𝗧𝗬 𝗢𝗨𝗧𝗙𝗜𝗧 𝗖𝗔𝗟𝗟𝗘𝗗 𝗔𝗚𝗨𝗡𝗘𝗖𝗛𝗘𝗠𝗕𝗔 in other to restore absolute peace in the State, thereby making Anambra safe from any type of Criminal activity.

This law captures all the necessary things needed for effective implementation. Some clauses I want to highlight includes;

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 4: 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐮𝐧𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐀𝐠𝐮𝐧𝐞𝐜𝐡𝐞𝐦𝐛𝐚.
1. Prevent and detect crimes
2. Make available relevant information on criminals
3. Take necessary measures to ensure that criminals do not operate in any part of the State
4. Preserve law and order
5. Protect lives and properties
6. Arrest criminals and hand them over to police for investigation
7. Give further assistance to the Police where required in the production of witnesses.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 5; 𝐏𝐨𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐀𝐠𝐮𝐧𝐞𝐜𝐡𝐞𝐦𝐛𝐚
1. The Agunechemba shall have powers to arrest and hand over to the police, any person who commits crime
2. Patrol the streets and villages at any time of the day
3. Maintain security barricades in appropriate places
4. Question and handover to the person, any person of questionable character or of suspicious movement
5. Enter and search any compound into which a questionable person runs into while being pursued
6. Form special forces or squad for the purpose of tackling kidnapping, banditry, consumption of illicit drugs, cultism, robbery and any other violent crimes in the State.
>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 8: 𝐄𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐩𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧;
(1). There is establishment a supervisory body to be known as the Anambra State Security Supervisory Committee
(2). The Anambra State Security Supervisory Committee shall consist of,
(a) The Governor or any other person designated by him, as the Chairman
(b) The Commissioner in charge of homeland security, if any, as a member
(c) The Special Adviser to the Governor on Security, if any, as a member
(d) A representative of the Nigeria Police Force as a member
(e) A representative of Department of State Security Service (DSS) as a member
(f) A representative of National Security and Civil Defense Corp (NSCDC) as a member
(g) The Chairman of House of Assembly Committee on Security as a member
(h) The Chairman of State Council of Traditional Rulers or his representative as a member
(i) A Secretary/Legal Adviser who shall be a State Counsel from Ministry of Justice
(j) The Mayors of the Local government areas
(k) Any other member or members as maybe appointed by the Governor.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 13: 𝐃𝐮𝐭𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝐦𝐚𝐤𝐞 𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐡𝐥𝐲 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞.
1. As from the commencement of this law, all president Generals of the town unions recognized by the State Government shall not later than the first week of every month, submit to the Mayor of their respective local government areas and ministry in charge of homeland security or where not existing at the time, any other department or office in charge of security in the State as may be designated by the Governor, a report in any manner as may be prescribed, of;
(a) All criminal or criminally suspicious activities in their communities or by persons from their communities, for the preceding month

(b) Any apprehension or arrest of offenders or suspects made by the Agunechemba establishment under this law, the Nigeria Police or any other law enforcement agency in their communities for the preceding month

(c) The names, addresses, phone numbers, whereabouts and any other necessary particulars of the persons alleged or suspected to have taken part directly or indirectly in the activities in paragraph (a) of the subsection 1 of this section or apprehended or arrested as in paragraph (b) of subsection 1 of this section.

(d) Any person who appears to them to be new and unknown but resides in the community in the preceding month, with the name, address, phone numbers, and any other necessary particulars of such person

(e) Any location whether in the forest or not, suspected to be occupied or used by kidnappers or bandits either as a dwelling place or for perpetration of crime

(f) Any person who brandishes wealth or engages in lavish or luxurious spending or lifestyle without an ostensible and verified means of livelihood in their communities for the preceding month, with their name, address, phone numbers, and any other necessary particulars of such persons; and

(g) Their assessment of the Security condition in their communities

2. Any President General who fails to make the report as required under subsection 1 of this section shall be guilty of misconduct and shall be liable to have his recognition by the State Government withdrawn.
3. Any President General who parades himself as such after his recognition has been withdrawn by the State Government, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 2 years or a fine of 5million naira or both.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 14: 𝐃𝐮𝐭𝐲 𝐨𝐧 𝐋𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐥𝐨𝐫𝐝𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐇𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐬, 𝐋𝐨𝐝𝐠𝐞𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐬𝐮𝐜𝐡 𝐥𝐢𝐤𝐞𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬.
(1.a) As from the commencement of this law, any landlord or owner of property shall before before letting out his property, demand and obtain from the proposed tenant, a copy of the valid means of identification of the tenant with his phone number, details of his occupation and where applicable, his place of work and shall submit such means of identification and information to the President General of the town union who shall upon demand, immediately transmit same to the Mayor of the Local Government.

(b) In any community where there exist(s) estate which makes it difficult for the President General of the community to receive the means of identification and information specified in paragraph A of sub-section of this section directly from the landlords, the President General shall direct the leadership of the Estate association to collect such means of identification and information from the landlords and transmit to him.

(2) Any person who lets out his property without obtaining a valid means of identification from the tenant or the information required under subsection 1 of this section, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of one year with an option of fine of five million naira or both.

(3) The proprietor or operator of any hotel, commercial guest house, inn, lodge, motel, short let apartment or other commercial dwelling place by whatever name called, or hostel shall before accommodating any person, demand and obtain from the guest, a copy of the valid means of identification of the guest and shall as prescribed by the State or Local Government, submit to the appropriate authority the means of identification of the guest and any other information required by the State or Local Government.

(4) The proprietor or operator of any hotel, commercial guest house, inn, lodge, motel, short let apartment or other commercial dwelling place by whatever name called, shall as from the commencement of this law, install in such facility, a surveillance camera to record the checking in of guest and or the activities taking place within the premises and surroundings and shall as prescribed by the State or Local Government, submit to the appropriate authority the data recorded by the camera.

(5) Any proprietor or operator of hotel, commercial guest house, inn, lodge, motel, short let apartment, hostel or other commercial dwelling place by whatever name called, who fails to comply with the provisions of sub-sections 3 and 4 of this section, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of six months with a option of fine of one million naira or both

(6) The commissioner in charge of hospitality may withdraw the license or shut down the operations of any hotel, commercial guest house, inn, lodge, motel, short let apartment, hostel or other commercial dwelling place which fails to comply with the provisions of sub-sections 3 and 4 of this section

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 15: 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐭𝐲 𝐨𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐢𝐧 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐤𝐢𝐝𝐧𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐛𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐭𝐫𝐲
1. Any person being the owner of any land whether or not in a forest or of any building or a person in control of any such land or building who allows such land or building to be occupied as a camp or settlement or used for purposes of perpetrating or aiding kidnapping, detention of kidnapped victims, demanding or collection of ransoms in relation to kidnapping or any other crime in furtherance of kidnapping or any form of banditry, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 25 years without an option of fine.
2. Any person not being a member of the Nigeria Police Force, Nigeria Army or other Security agency recognized by the law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria or the laws of Anambra State, who lives or harbours people on any land in the forest in any part of the State except for purposes related to farming or in furtherance of any lawful business, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 25 years without an option of fine.
3. Any person being the owner of any land in the forest or a person in control of any such land, who allows any person, not being a member of the Police Force, Nigeria Army or other Security agency recognized by the law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria or the laws of Anambra State to live or camp in such forest except for purposes related to farming or in furtherance of any lawful business, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 25 years without an option of fine.
4. Any person being the owner of any property or a person in control of any such property, who is or becomes aware that such property is used for the commission of any offence and conceals such fact or fails to report same to the police or Agunechemba under this law, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 25 years without an option of fine.
5. Any person or building used for the commission of any offence under this section shall be forfeited to the State Government
6. Nothing in sub section 5 of this section shall preclude the Governor of the State from revoking or acquiring for overriding public purpose, any property in the State, in line with the provisions of the Land use Act.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 16: 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐭𝐲 𝐨𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐢𝐧 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐢𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐜𝐢𝐭 𝐝𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐬
1. No property in the State shall be used for the manufacture, use or sale of illicit drugs.
2. Any property used for the manufacture, sale or use of illicit drugs in the state shall be forfeited to the state Government.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 17: 𝐂𝐚𝐬𝐞 𝐟𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐭𝐨 𝐛𝐞 𝐬𝐮𝐛𝐦𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐀𝐭𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐧𝐞𝐲 𝐆𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐥.

In furtherance of the powers granted to the Attorney General of the States pursuant to section 211 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), section 149 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Law of Anambra State 2023 and the section 31 of the Police Act 2020.

1. The files of all cases bothering on or related to kidnapping under investigation by the police shall at the conclusion of investigation, subject to the direction of the Attorney General, be immediately forwarded to the Attorney General for review or advice.
2. Where the investigation is not concluded within 15 days from the date of the arrest or the date the report is made whichever is earlier, the case file shall be duplicated and submitted to the Attorney General immediately upon the expiration of the said period of 15 days for his direction, review or advice.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 18: 𝐎𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐒𝐮𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐩𝐨𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐬.

1. Any person who under the practice of “𝑶𝒌𝒆𝒊𝒕𝒆” or “𝑬𝒛𝒆 𝑵𝒘𝒂𝒏𝒚𝒊” or under any other guise, administers any substance or charm on or for any other person for the purpose of commission of any offence or for the purpose of accumulation of wealth by supernatural means other than by any known lawful means of livelihood or who publicly propagates the accumulation of such wealth other than by any known lawful means of livelihood, commits and offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 6 years with an option of fine of 20 million naira or both.
2. Any person who performs any sacrifice or dumps on any road or thrown into any water body in the state, any charms, substance or items of sacrifice in foregrance of the commission of any offense under subsection 1 of this section, commits and offense and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 6 years with an option of fine of 20 million Naira or both.
3. Any person who misleads the public by purporting to wield any Supernatural powers which he is found not to possess or who obtains any reward from any person in furtherance thereof, commit an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 6 years with an option of fine of 20 million naira or both.
4. For the purpose of ascertaining weather or not a person possesses the natural powers under subsection 3 of this section, any such person suspected of misleading the public under subsection 3 of this section shall at the stage of investigation, be subjected to proof that he possesses such powers.
5. An investigation made by the police in respect of any offence under this section shall be forwarded to the Attorney General of the State for review and advice before the prosecution of any person suspected of having committed the offence.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 19: 𝐎𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐢𝐧𝐯𝐨𝐥𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐜𝐞
1. Any person who uses any religious place for the commission or to aid the commission of any crime, commit an offense and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 6 years with an option of fine of 20 million naira or both.
2. Any religious place suspected of being used to commit or aid the commission of any crime may be sealed by the order of the Governor pending the conclusion of investigation.
3. If after the conclusion of investigation, there exists a prime facie case of the commission or aiding the commission of any crime in such place, any person found culpable shall be charged to court.
4. Where a person is charged to court under this section, the property or place involved shall be sealed, except unsealed by the order of the Governor, remain sealed until the determination of the charge or unless otherwise ordered by the court.

>𝑪𝒍𝒂𝒖𝒔𝒆 20: 𝐎𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐢𝐧𝐯𝐨𝐥𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐡𝐮𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐭𝐬.

Any person who performs or requires of any person the performance of any rituals involving human parts, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of 25 years without an option of fine.

From these clauses highlighted, you can see that this law encompasses all.

We shall continue to bring you more details of this law.

✍️ 𝐑𝐭. 𝐇𝐨𝐧 𝐄𝐣𝐢𝐤𝐞 𝐎𝐤𝐞𝐜𝐡𝐮𝐤𝐰𝐮 (𝑶𝒈𝒃𝒖𝒆𝒇𝒊𝒏𝒖𝒌𝒐𝒆𝒇𝒊), for House of Assembly Committee on Media and Publicity

Anglican Archbishop Narrates Ordeal In The Hands Of Kidnappers

bvichannel1

January 16, 2025

Retired Archbishop of Nnewi Diocese of the Anglican Communion, Anambra State, Most Rev Godwin Okpala, who just regained his freedom after he was kidnapped on December 6, 2024, has recounted his ordeal in the hands of his abductors.

Okpala was abducted alongside his driver, but was only able to regain freedom on January 3rd, after spending 27 days in captivity.

The clergyman spoke to journalists at his residence in Nnewi, during a visit by former governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of Labour Party, Mr Peter Obi.

He said: “Those 27 days were hellish because the people were not behaving like human beings. They kicked us about like thrash.

“They kept us in a very thick forest and none of them cared,” the Archbishop said.

Reacting to questions on whether his abduction was as a result of mistaken identity, and whether he was in his priestly attire, the retired prelate said it didn’t matter to the kidnappers who anyone was.

He said: “I was in my cassock and they knew that I was a Bishop, but they didn’t care. They pulled down my cassock, asked me to undress and I had only shorts, a shirt and my collar on.

“For the 27 days that I was with them, I didn’t take my bath, I didn’t brush my teeth. They were giving me water which I don’t know the source.

“They were giving me one meal a day and it was either rice or garri. The food was usually remnants from those they gave to boys who worked with them. They have cooks who prepared food there.”

The 75 years old Archbishop praised Peter Obi for coming to visit him, saying that since his return from the kidnappers’ den, no one had visited him until Obi came.

“He (Peter Obi) has again shown the humanity in him. I’m not the first person he is coming to see in this manner. I want to say thank you to Peter Obi who came to visit me after my travails.”

Meanwhile, Nnewi Catholic Diocese on Thursday buried three priests of the diocese, including Rev. Fr. Tobias Okonkwo, a pharmacist and native of Ekwulumili in Nnewi South Local Government Area.

The priest was murdered on December 26, 2024, in Ihiala, Anambra State, by gunmen operating in the area.

Until his death, the priest was the manager of the Schools of Nursing, Midwifery, and Medical Laboratory at Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital Ihiala.

Anambra has for sometime now been in the news because of the spate of kidnapping, which has not abated despite promises by the governor, Prof Chukwuma Soludo and police authorities in the state.

Sowore Party Mobilizes The People Against Soludo On State Of Insecurity

bvichannel1

January 16, 2025

African Action Congress (AAC), on Wednesday, called on Inspector-General of Police, IGP kayode Egbetokun and the Anambra State Commissioner of Police, Nnaghe Obono Itam to stop officers from extorting motorists plying the State.

According to the party, the police and other law enforcement agents usually stationed at checkpoints have turned Anambra State and the rest of South East geopolitical zone to cash cow while insecurity kept on ravaging the entire zone.

The State Chairperson of AAC, Comrade Chioma Ifemeludike, who raised this concern at a press conference in Awka, Anambra State capital, urged the relevant authorities to checkmate the anomaly and bring lasting peace to the zone.

According to Ifemeludike, this called for the officers to be called to order, while their welfare should be improved upon as better salaries and incentives would make them to stop such illegalities.

“It is dangerous and reckless to hand guns to police officers whose basic and social
requirements are not well taken care of leaving citizens at their mercy. Anambra State has become a cash cow for the police. They do it boldly and no one is holding them accountable. They even give out changes to the motorists without shame.

“Anambra people must join hands to pressure the government to do the right thing at the right time. We must start holding them accountable so they can do the right thing now. Our youths have been battered. We must sit up and demand for the police and the Government to deliver on their mandate,” she lamented.

The party further called on Governor Chukwuma Soludo to wake up to address the insecurity ravaging the State, lamenting that if allowed to continue, socioeconomic development and others would be impeded because nothing thrives in atmosphere of chaos.

She said the party would no longer keep quiet while the citizens lives were wasted for nothing, adding that they would mobilise their members and other citizenry to launch social media campaigns geared towards mobilising the populace to take ownership of the security and secure Anambra State from crimes and criminalities.

“These men of the underworld have caused mayhem, pain and suffering to the
physical, financial and emotional well-being of the good, hardworking and law abiding citizens of the state. This menace is suffocating and almost crippling business activities in the state.

“Anambra State known as the light of the nation seems to be struggling with darkness of insecurity and fear of the unknown terror gangs. It has gotten so bad that people now avoid to travel or disguise when they are visiting homes. This is totally unacceptable and we hold the government of Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo responsible as the chief Executive in the state whose major duty is to secure lives.

“We urge governor Soludo to take charge and be proactive with matters that affect security of lives in the state as this is the bedrock of commercial activities, growth and development in our dear state. The mental and psychological state of Anambra populace is our utmost interest and we will do anything and everything in our possible best to make sure our people are safe and sound.

“We will defend our ancestral lands against intruders. We will not run away from unscrupulous elements both the official and unofficial, the masked and unmasked, the ones on uniform and the ones running criminal network. We warn that we will use every tool available to us.

“The African Action Congress, Anambra state chapter highlights the major issues of insecurity in Anambra state right after the state Governor declared a state of
emergency which seems like a mere political statement or lip service due to
government’s inability to effect any obvious change in securing lives of Ndi Anambra which is their utmost responsibility.

“In recent times, villages and communities in Anambra State have been ransacked and invaded by what we know today as unknown gun men, faceless men who have terrorised, oppressed, kidnapped in most cases murdered innocent citizens in cold. The once bubbling state and
nightlife environment where commuters and visitors travelled at anytime of the day
without any fear especially during the festive seasons have now come to an abrupt end,” she lamented.

How South-East Governors hijacked Ohanaeze Ndigbo Elections – Group

bvichannel1

January 12, 2025

A group known as the Igbo Mandate Congress has claimed that the recently concluded Ohanaeze Ndigbo Election exercise was hijacked by South-East Governors.

The group, in a statement sent to us on Friday, signed by its Director-General, Rev. Obinna Akukwe, dsclosed that the governors conspired to keep the venue of the election secret adding that they had warned prior that the Governors were planning to install a Senator from Rivers State.

It can be recalled that Senator Azuta Mbata emerged as the New President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo earlier today in Enugu while Uche Okwukwu emerged in the one held in Port Harcourt.

The statement read in Part; “The venue of the election was kept top secret till Friday morning when delegates were informed that it would hold at Old Governors Lodge, Enugu. At the old governor’s lodge, team of police and DSS officials were given lists of delegates for the polls and given orders not to allow anyone inside the venue. The lists were as compiled and approved by the respective governors.”

“From Abia to Anambra, Enugu, Imo, the governors asked their cronies to select loyal persons to represent the state at the elections. The delegates list was kept secret till Friday morning, to void other candidates, include former Inspector General of Police, Mike Okiro, from gaining access to them.”

“The delegates elected by the governors and their cronies were told to assemble at the Ohanaeze Ndigbo National Headquarters to collect both their accreditation tags and their payment money for loyalty.”

“Some delegates told IMC officials that they were paid a couple of millions, while others were paid hundreds of thousands of naira, according to levels and status. The loyalty payments were given through electronic transfers at the Ohanaeze Secretariate, while some received theirs at the Old Governors lodge.”

“Igbo Mandate Congress, a body first with credible Intelligence Information in the South East and Nigeria, have alerted the contestants, including activists, since Monday January 6th that the governors are planning to ambush former IGP Mike Okiro with a Senator from Rivers State. IMC also implored the activists to act together, raise necessary alarm, make strategic moves to verify the authenticity of the governors list and secure their positions at the Ohanaeze National Executive Council.”

“The aspirants, exhuming empty over confidence, were baited, with divided ranks, and outflanked before the polls. The Governors made frantic efforts to force Mike Okiro to step down for Senator Mbata and he initially refused. After granting a press conference announcing a withdrawal until he gets legal redress, Okiro appeared at the Ohanaeze Secretariat , got screened by 10 pm and asked his supporters to await a court judgment tomorrow that will enable him to contest.”

“By 12 pm when the delegates started going to the Old Governors Lodge, Okiro’s legal redress was yet to come. Igbo Mandate Congress condemned the first time governors imposed Chief Nnia Nwodo and other officers. It condemned the manner Governor Uzodimma imposed Professor George Obozor and it is now condemning the hijacking of delegates list and the fraudulent manner of the current polls.”

“Igbo Mandate Congress enjoins all Igbo Stakeholders to task the governors until they remove their hands from Ohanaeze affairs.”

Update: Uche Okwukwu Is A Factional Ohaneze President , Enugu Election Still Ongoing — Source

bvichannel1

January 10, 2025

A credible source at the election ground of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, Enugu has disclosed to our Reporter that, contrary to our earlier report that Uche Okwukwu has been declared Ohanaeze President General , we have gathered from reliable sources that Uche Okwukwu was suspended by Imeobi in Enugu and the election is still ongoing with Senator Mbata standing unopposed.

It was gathered that Okwukwu emerged from a factional election in Port Harcourt, where he was returned unopposed.

While another election is holding in Enugu, Okwukwu’s faction held his in Port Harcourt.

According to information available, while some Igbos from Rivers had stepped out to contest, one, in the person of Uche Okwukwu was suspended by Ime Obi and cannot run for the office.

Former IGP of Police Chief Mike Okiro Obama also stepped down yesterday following a court order barring him from the contest.

The other candidates include Senator John Azuta Mbata and others.

Source: Jungle Journalist

BREAKING: Ohanaeze Ndigbo Elects An Activist From Ikwere -Uche Okwukwu -President General

bvichannel1

January 10, 2025

A renowned Activist lawyer, Dim Uche Nnam Okwukwu, has emerged as the President General of Ohanaeze N’digbo Worldwide at the organisation’s ongoing convention in Port-Harcourt.

The General Assembly of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, according to a statement by the returning officer, Dr. Achi Achi, copy of which was made available to newsmen, said the new President General, Okwukwu, was returned unopposed at the the convention, which began on Thursday and is expected to end on Friday.

The returning officer said the President General, Okwukwu was elected by the progressive movement in Igboland, expressing appreciation to the national delegates who stormed Port Harcourt for the exercise, even as he noted that they were the true members of Ohanaeze Ndigbo for finding the helmsman worthy.

He said the new leader had pledged to defend the interest of all Igbos under the sun and uphold the tenets of the constitution of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide.

Okwukwu, in his acceptance speech, Okwukwu thanked the delegates, saying that he humbly accepted the enormous responsibility imposed on him to lead the Igbo race “at this moment in our history.”

The newly elected President General said his top priorities included engaging the Federal Government on the unconditional release of the leader of Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) and restructuring Nigeria.

Besides, he promised to “unite fractured nerves and bring the Igbo together as one indivisible family,” saying that he was fully aware of the unprecedented trust reposed in him and his capacity to do so.

This was just as he pledged solemnly to defend Igbo nation by living up to their high expectations, adding: “I shall live up to their high expectations.”

He thanked all members of the Electoral Committee, the elders, members of the press and Igbo public, men, women, and youths for all the joint efforts that helped to yield these positive outcomes.

The newly elected President General, while noting that Igbo nation had gone through unprecedented travails, assured that he would waste no time in engaging the Federal and State governments, Igbo businessmen, politicians, youths, and intelligentsia, to address the problems facing the Igbo nation.

He said he would meet President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to work for the unconditional release of Nnamdi Kanu and other political prisoners, and ensure de-criminalization of political exiles to enable them return home to join the process of reconstruction.

“We shall encourage the Federal and State governments to engage all agitators to address grievances so as to bring a just closure to issues,” Okwukwu said.

Speaking further, the newly elected President General said he would also engage the Federal Government in dredging, modernization and restoration of the Igweocha/Port-Harcourt and other coastal ports for the Igbo/East and others, together with the dredging of the Azumini to Opobo Imo River basin to the coast, in order to recreate a pole of export-import industrialization and development in Igboland/East, down to the Middle-Belt and Maiduguri.

“I will work for the creation of the Anioma State as an equalization state for the Igbo, and for additional Aba, Adada, Etiti, Orlu or other states in case the balance is further disrupted,” he said.

On restructuring, Okwukwu promised to mobilise the Igbo for it to come about, which he said all other ethnic nationalities had ready templates, but no recent Ohanaeze leadership had had any courage to address.

“I will work hand in hand with critical Igbo stakeholders to advance the unity of the Igbo nation, and ensure that Igbo communities in Benue, Edo etc, are fully incorporated into the Ohanaeze family memberships, modernize the Igbo language as one of the major languages of global commerce, culture, science and technology,” he said.

Okwukwu, it was gathered emerged as the consensus candidate having been identified as the only independent contestant among more than four aspirants that sought to lead the Igbo socio-cultural organisation.

The election attended by several people was held in Port-Harcourt, with delegates from the South-East and the Diaspora in attendance, while more than 200 social and cultural groups were also present at the historic event.

Okiro Is From Imo State- Chokas Anara

bvichannel1

January 10, 2025

Okiro is from Ogwumankwu village, Obiakpu community, Egbema, Ohaji/Egbema LGA, Imo State.

His age grade is OTU EGOBUEZE and their secretary is Christopher Nze Umezuruike. Other members of his age grade are Chief Clement Mmata, Mr. Owuamala Stephen and Chief Toke Gilbert etc.

His late younger brother, Eze Ozoemela Okiro was the traditional ruler of Obiakpu community Egbema, Imo State.

Okiro was the special Adviser to former Gov. Rochas on security matters.
His son, Saviour Okiro, is the special adviser to Gov. Hope Uzodinma on community matters.

His age grade is junior to OTU REPUBLIC age grade.
Kindly put it on record that Mike Okiro is an Imo man and cannot deny Rivers Igbos their right. Thank you and God bless.

Source: BVI Youtube Contact

EBUBE MUONSO, FAKE PROPHETS AND INSECURITY – Law Mefor, PhD

bvichannel1

January 10, 2025

The new wave of insecurity in Anambra in particular and the South East has its roots in preaching wealth without work championed by the likes of Fr. Emmanuel Obimma, aka Ebube Muonso. They are merchants of fake miracles and fake prophecies who, for decades, have taught our youths to believe they can become wealthy and great without work, perseverance, and morality, all vital virtues for which Ndigbo were reputed in the past.

Such virtues that accounted for the outstanding successes of Ndi Anambra and Ndigbo, in general, are now assailed by their wrong teachings. Ndigbo work their way to the top, to borrow Soludo’s expression. The greatness attained by some is never by sudden flight but through their toiling upward at night while their contemporaries went to bed, to paraphrase the philosopher. Ndigbo persevere. They work quite hard and believe in God, who promised in Deuteronomy 28:12: “The Lord will bless the work of your hands.” That’s the foundation and Igbo wealth code that Ebube Muonso and his fellow miracle merchants want to uproot.

Ebube Muonso started out over a decade ago and relies on esotericism and controversies to draw people to his church, one of which was the first-ever recorded stampede in Anambra State, which claimed many lives in his church in 2010.

Mahatma Gandhi brought the world’s attention to the seven mortal sins, namely: wealth without work, pleasure without conscience, knowledge without character, commerce without morality, science without humanity, religion without sacrifice, and politics without principle. Gandhi was a moral compass for the Indians of his generation and still is.

But that’s India. In Nigeria, the so-called men and women of God are selling prayers, prophecies, and miracles to the highest bidders, and many people believe them, thus manipulating their followers to believe in the sudden wealth their fake prophecies would produce.

What is more worrisome is that this trend has permeated the Catholic Church, where miracles and prophecy are ordinarily treated with circumspection. The Lord Bishops need to call Catholic priests with such tendencies to order. They are tainting the church.

These so-called prophets and miracle merchants command God to act on the misplaced prayer requests of the adorers of their churches who pay for such miracle prayers and prophecies. Ebube Muonso’s Adoration Ground at Uke, Anambra State, is typical. Brainwashing, fake miracles, fake prophecies, etc., are integral parts of their worship.

When Karl Marx postulated, “Religion is the opium of the masses,” he certainly had Nigerians in mind, and these so-called men of God, like wolves in sheep’s clothing that Christ warned about, are cashing out big time on it. Many of them have sprawling estates, private jets, yachts, and a fleet of Rolls-Royces, etc., while their flocks wallow in poverty, ignorance, and disease.

Yet, one of them (Ebube Muonso) would have the temerity to insult Governor Soludo, who has instituted free education for all, free antenatal and delivery services for women, 1 Youth, 2 Skills, free digital skill training, small and medium business support schemes with soft loans up to N10m without collateral, etc., to help the poor. One wonders who is a better Christian.

Christ fed the poor, but these men of God fleece the poor. They sell their own portraits, anointing oil, and holy water to the poor worshippers, who they drive emotionally to frenzy with the mumbo-jumbo and abracadabra they present as speaking in tongues. The worshippers buy the articles by faith, believing they are sacramentals. If they work for them—and they rarely and coincidentally do—it has nothing to do with these charlatans who have called themselves prophets to milk the poor, claiming that God called them. Truly, spiritual materials are not auctioned like you find with these fake prophets. Healing, the Bible says, is God’s children’s bread—and not to be sold.

As a knighted Catholic and practising Christian, one is aware of what the book of James tells us: James 2:26 says, “For as the body without the spirit is dead, so faith without works is dead also,” the same eternal words uttered by Mahatma Gandhi when he postulated that wealth without work is a moral and mortal sin.

Indeed, there is a perfect correlation between Ebube Muonso’s preaching about miracles without work and crime and criminality. For example, there are worshippers in his church praying for miracles at the hours they ought to be at work. The solution to hardship is hard work, good health, and trust in God, not prayers alone. One has to work and pray, not pray and pray. But Ebube Muonso and his ilk encourage indolence rather than hard work, and it has consequences. These so-called men of God do nothing about the empowerment of the youth and the poor. No loan schemes or scholarships to help suffering widows and orphans. The most expensive schools, far beyond the reach of the poor, are run and owned by them. Ironically, the schools are built with tithes and offerings and the sowing of seeds.

Miracles happen but are exceptions, never the rule, even in the time of Christ. So, teaching people to hope in miracles and wealth without work is evil because it goads millions of our people the wrong way and into a life of depression, suicide, and crime/insecurity. Such preaching has created social disorders and failures rather than successful people and is therefore more of a problem than a solution. It attacks the Igbo wealth code, which is hard work, integrity, patience, and belief in God.

Miracle prayers for wealth without work are perfectly correlated with crime, and here is how. Most people who are praying for sudden wealth, in their desperation, sink deeper into rituals and idolatry. Today, many youths are seen burying cows alive or drowning cows in rivers as sacrifice. Ritual killings are part of it. ‘Ego Mbute’ (stupendous wealth) and ‘Oke Ite’ (money-making juju) go hand in hand, and ‘Oke Ite’ is said to involve human sacrifice. They are all byproducts of Ebube Muonso’s kind of preaching and a major part of the insecurity in Anambra and the South East that must be rooted out.

Governor Chukwuma Soludo has condemned fake prophets and fake native doctors and is out for their checks. But to me, there is a need to extend the searchlight to fake prophets and churches where fake miracles and fake prophecies are bandied about to confuse and fleece the poor and unsuspecting members of the public. He needs to be told in unambiguous terms that many of the youths he has misled with fake prophecies are stranded, and some have taken to crime and criminality, which has culminated in and accounts in part for the insecurity he complains about today. He needs to repent, ask God’s forgiveness, and join the governor in finding a lasting solution to the insecurity in the state.

Walking the talk, Governor Soludo is set to launch and unleash Operation Udo Ga-Achi to deal decisively with insecurity, crime, and criminality in the state. Over 160 trucks and special-purpose vehicles have been procured and branded for the purpose. The joint operation will involve the six leading security agencies: the armed forces, the police, the Anambra Vigilante Group, and all.

Meanwhile, the application of the Anambra State Anti-kidnapping Law has commenced. Any property used for kidnapping will be confiscated by the government and levelled to the ground as a deterrent, and some buildings have gone down already since the first week of January 2025.

Public beware! Let me use this opportunity to advise Ndi Anambra, who built houses and live outside the state, about ensuring that such buildings are not used for criminal activities, particularly kidnapping. Ignorance of the law, as they say, is not an excuse.

Anambra is rising because solution is here! There is nothing the diatribe of a million Ebube Muonsos can do to stop the moving train.

*Law Mefor PhD is the Information Commissioner for Anambra State. email: drlawmefor@gmail.com; X: @DrLaw_Mefor.

BREAKING: Mike Okiro Withdraws from Ohanaeze Ndigbo President General Contest

bvichannel1

January 9, 2025

In a press statement issued to newsmen in Enugu on Thursday night, Chief Okiro cited an existing court order that bars him from participating in the election.

In his statement, the former police chief expressed his disappointment, stating: “The court order, which is based on an alleged non-indigene status, contradicts verifiable facts. It is unfortunate that I was neither invited nor heard before this objectionable order was issued, which I learned about through the media. The facts are as follows: (a) I am from Egbema in Rivers State, as proven by my National Population Commission Attestation of Birth. (b) My Traditional Ruler, the Nzeobi of Egbema, has confirmed my status as a native of Rivers State. (c) In my numerous published works, my indigene status of Rivers State is explicitly stated in the author’s column, notably in my bestseller, *Nigeria: The Restructuring ‘Controversy*. (d) Page 6 of my biography, written by Mr. Dozie Okebalama, also affirms my Rivers ancestry. (e) I have participated in numerous Imeobi meetings, representing Rivers State, as documented in the Secretary-General’s attendance list. (f) During my time at the University of Ibadan, I was a member of the Rivers State Students’ Association, where I served as Treasurer while the distinguished Senator Andrew Uchendu was elected Secretary. (g) I represented Rivers State at the South-South People’s Assembly, alongside our respected leader, Chief Edwin Clark, with Prof. Pat Utomi representing Delta State. My records and credentials speak for themselves.”

Okiro reiterated his commitment to the rule of law, stating, “As an Igbo man and elder statesman from Rivers State, a position that has been zoned to me by the electoral committee, I respect the court’s order. My obedience to court orders, regardless of their nature, reflects our commitment to democracy. I believe the principles of the rule of law are fundamental to our collective progress.”

While confirming that he will not participate in the election pending the resolution of the case, he urged his supporters to remain composed. “The rule of law is the foundation of our society; its principles must be upheld, for our democratic values are non-negotiable. Together, we will emerge stronger. Our commitment to justice, due process, and the rule of law will ultimately vindicate us. I will refrain from participating in any election until the matter before Honourable Justice N.R. Oji of Enugu State High Court is resolved, as the court imposed the restraining order.

“Although I have not been formally served with the suit or order, my dedication to law and order remains steadfast. Yet, the reliefs granted in the order against me appear to infringe upon my fundamental rights as outlined in Chapter IV of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).”

“I Was Sacked, Not Removed By Tinubu”
“My esteemed career as Nigeria’s Inspector General of Police highlights my commitment to justice and ethical conduct. I have instructed my legal team at Eze Okafor & Co. to pursue this case vigorously to ensure those who propagate hatred and lawlessness are held accountable in accordance with our legal framework.”

“As stipulated by our constitution, I demand to be heard, and I trust that the court will uphold the principles of natural justice in handling this case. We remain hopeful in our judicial system.”

“I call upon my immediate community, Egbema, and the broader Igbo-speaking populace of Rivers State, who stand firmly with me, along with my supporters across Imo, Abia, Ebonyi, Enugu, Anambra, and Delta to uphold the rule of law throughout this contest. Our resolve strengthens the unity and progress of Ohanaeze Ndigbo. Together, we will navigate this challenge.”

He also expressed gratitude to Governor Siminialayi Fubara for his support and reiterated his “commitment to the ideals of Ohanaeze Ndigbo—unity, progress, and peace in Igbo land,” asserting that “justice will prevail; Igbo unity and progress remain our guiding principles.”

“I assure you all that we shall overcome this minor setback, as our democratic values are non-negotiable.”

1...353637...539 Page 36 of 539