OFFICIAL REACTION TO THE STATEMENT RELEASED BY SOME GROUPS OF NORTHERN NIGERIAN YOUTHS CONCERNING IGBO (SOUTH EASTERNERS) IN NIGERIA BY THE CUSTOMARY GOVERNMENT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF BIAFRA, CG-IPOB.
The attention of the Customary Government of Indigenous Peoples of Biafra, CG-IPOB has been drawn to a press release purportedly signed by Alhaji Abdulaziz Suleiman of Northern Emancipation Network, representing the youths of Northern Nigeria .
The Customary Government of Indigenous Peoples of Biafra is not in the mood to get involved in any exchange of tantrum with any individual or groups but for the interest of our teeming Biafran public who seem disturbed by the recent publication. It is our intention to allay the fear of our Biafran people and to assure them that the Customary Government is seriously observing the development and is ready to take all necessary legal, diplomatic and political actions to protect the interest of our indigenous Biafran people.
The release purportedly coming from the Northern Nigeria youth leaders was reported to have given Igbo (Biafrans) living in northern Nigeria 3 months period to vacate the North, while the northerners in Biafra should equally vacate Biafraland within the same period. We wish to state that nobody nor group shall ,even under democratic rule in Nigeria, nurse any idea of stampeding Biafrans out of Nigeria nor force Biafrans to remain in Nigeria. The view of the Customary Government remains that the dismemberment of Nigerian state must follow peaceful, legal, political and diplomatic processes. No amount of intimidation nor inflammatory statement from any quarter shall scare Biafrans to take irrational action in this dispensation. The Customary Government hereby call on the elders and the leadership of the Northern Nigeria to advise their people to apply caution and resort to rational and legal actions to achieve whatever is their desired objective in Nigerian state.
Let it be place on record that the great Biafran people will not accept any situation that will deprive our people their hard earned assets and investments scattered throughout Nigeria. The Customary Government of Indigenous Peoples of Biafra(CG-IPOB) can confirm her readiness to commence negotiations towards peaceful separation of Biafra from Nigeria. By so doing all investments of Nigerians in Biafraland will be guaranteed while Biafran peoples’ investments in Nigeria will equally be protected. Nobody should ever contemplate any breach of law and order in this period when diplomatic and legal actions are already on the way.
We believe in the principle of Nonviolence, Non exodus! Fellow Biafrans, the Customary Government wishes to reassure you of our concern in this matter, while advising you to be vigilante and report any suspicious movements around you to the law enforcement officers. Note: Onye ndi iro gbara gburugburu, na-eche ndu ya nche mgbe nile. Umu Biafra, onye alarukwala ura.
Thank you.
God guard Biafrans. Amen!
Signed:
Aniebue Anthony
Administrator, Customary Government of Indigenous People of Biafra, CG-IPOB.
POSITION PAPER BY THE AREWA CITIZENS ACTION FOR CHANGE, AREWA YOUTH CONSULTATIVE FORUM, AREWA YOUTH DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, AREWA STUDENTS FORUM AND NORTHERN EMANCIPATION NETWORK ON THE IGBO PERSISTENCE FOR SECESSION
MAY 30, 2017
PREAMBLE
The persistence for the actualization of Biafra by the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria has lately assumed an alarming twist. The new dimension which involved the call for the forceful lockdown of activities and denying of the right to free movement in South-East by the rebellious Indeginous People of Biafra group is so disturbingly embarrassing that in our view, calls for a rethink. The latest action amounted to a brutal encroachment on the rights of those termed as non-indeginous people residing and doing lawful businesses in those areas illegally demarcated and defined as Biafra by the Igbo. Concerned by this ever-escalating threat, the above-named northern groups met at the end of which we came up with the following set of resolutions to be adopted as the position of the Northern region.
OUR OBSERVATIONS
1. The Igbo people of the South-East, not repentant of the carnage it wrought on the nation in 1966, is today boldly reliving those sinister intentions connoted by the Bifran agitation that led to the very first bloody insurrection in Nigeria’s history.
2. Emboldened by the apparent indifference of the Nigerian authorities, the Igbo secessinist tendency is widening in scope and action at every stage.
3. As the threat widens and affects other law-abiding people of other regions residing in or passing through the East, the Igbo leaders and elders by their utterances and direct action or inaction appear to support and encourage it.
3. While this intimidation and aggression persists and grows in dimension with each new move, leaders of the North whose people are at the receiving end of the threats appear helplessly unperturbed.
4. Rather than endorsing a concise framework for preemptive action to protect and safeguard the interest of the North and its people, leaders of the region at every stage tend to recline on a flimsy and long-discarded excuse of having faught in the 60s to keep Nigeria united.
6. Rather than pursuing a resolute action, the northern leaders have adopted and are dragging its people into pitifully percifist position in order to sustain an illusive national cohesion that has long been ridiculed by the Igbo and other sections of the country.
OUR STAND
1. At this point we call the attention of the Nigerian authorities to the fact that the North, a critical player in the federal arrangement is no longer disposed to tolerating further Igbo blackmail and intimidation.
2. In this respect, it is our considered view that rather than the Igbo continuing to hold the whole country to ransom, the should be allowed to go their own way.
3. It is on record that the Igbo has done more damage to our collective nationhood than any other ethnic group in Nigeria:
a. The Igbo was responsible for the very first violent interference with democracy in Nigeria resulting in a prolonged counter productive chain of military dictatorship.
b. The Igbo was responsible for the first and so far, only civil war in Nigeria that coated millions of lives and sowed the seed of the current mutual suspicion and distrust.
c. Indisputably the Igbo is responsible for Nigeria’s cultural and moral degeneracy with the notoreity for aall kind of crime including International networking for drug and human trafficking, violent robberies and kidnapping, high-profile prostitution and adanced financial fraud.
3. It is also on record that since the inception of the current democratic dispensation, the Igbo has shown and maintained open contempt and dissension to the collective decision expressed by a majority of Nigeriansat various stages through generally acceptable democratic processes.
4. Having come this far, we wish to categorically state that the North is no longer keen in being the same country with this unruly pack of unrepentant hooligans.
5. That the North supports and encourages the authorities and other national and international stakeholders to allow the rebellious Igbo to go their way.
6. That in the event the Igbo is not allowed to pull out, the North shall divorce this marriage that has never been convenient to any of the parties.
6. That as a prelude we call on all Igbos currently residing in any part of Northern Nigeria to relocate within two weeks and northerners in the East should do likewise.
7. That northern leaders are hereby warned against further insisting on this union with the Igbo or any other part of Nigeria that is disposed to self determination.
CONCLUSION.
In conclusion, we wish to draw the attention of the authorities and all other interest groups that there is nothing difficult or impossible for all the units that make up Nigeria to pull out if they so wish.
We cite the example of the split of several independent nations from the old Soviet Union, the separation of Pakistan from India, the recent divorce of South Sudan with the former Sudan and most recently, the exit of Britind from the European Union.
The sit-at-home order by the Pro Biafra groups in commemoration of the 50 years anniversary of the declaration of the State of Biafra has come and gone but not after recording a huge success in virtually all the Southeast states and in some parts of South South.
BVI correspondents reported that commercial activities were shut down in major cities in Anambra, Enugu, Abia, Rivers and Imo.
In Awka, all the markets, banks and schools were under lock and key in total compliance with the sit-at-home order. The same was recorded in Onitsha, Nnewi, Ekwulobia and Ihiala.
The Customary Government of IPOB Administrator, Engr Anthony Aniebue, told BVI in Awka that the restoration of Biafra was a matter of time. To him, the people of Biafra had made a statement with one resounding voice.
He said that from now, the Nigerian Government, as well as the international community, would begin to take the Biafra agitation more seriously.
Aniebue confirmed to BVI that the struggle to restore Biafra had entered the final stage with two major ideologies being sponsored by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and Barr Emeka Emekesri.
‘The public should now understand the clear roadmap to achieve Biafra now that the world attention has been drawn to Biafra.
‘The first ideological strategy is the pursuit of self-determination by due process of law consisting of legal, political and diplomatic methods. By this methodology, the core Biafran activists are advised to take over the political power in the whole of Biafraland and put Biafran activists in government houses and houses of assembly,’ Aniebue said.
He expressed the hope that with the army of Biafra activists spread across the country, they could use their vote to put any of the Biafran activists in power.
‘They can then pass the Biafran Bills into Law in their houses of assembly and create the Biafran Government by Law at regional level first. This is the first stage of the struggle for independence. The second stage is for the Biafrans to then decide by a referendum whether they will pull out entirely from Nigeria and gain total independence or continue to govern themselves as Biafrans within Nigeria,’ Aniebue said.
BVI understands that at the first and second stages of the strategy, there will be some diplomatic meetings and negotiations with the Nigerian authorities and the powerful countries in the international community for the final pull-out.
This strategy is advocated by Barrister Emeka Emekesiri, the solicitor for the Indigenous People of Biafra and the vision bearer of the legal methodology of self-determination, which he commenced with the case between Biafra and Nigeria in the Federal High Court, Owerri in 2012.
According to Aniebue, the challenge for Biafrans now was to install hard core Biafran activists in power who could use the state power to their advantage and speed up the Biafran project.
Aniebue further gave an insight into the second ideological strategy by Kanu as civil disobedience, protest and rejection of what he called the obnoxious order against the Biafra people still living in Nigeria, which included boycotting elections where necessary, and all within the framework of the law.
‘The proponents of this methodology believe that the Nigerian Constitution is fraudulent and therefore every election under the fraudulent Constitution is a continuation of enslavement in Nigeria. They do not believe in obtaining self-governance as Biafrans within Nigeria first before pulling out from Nigeria entirely,’ he pointed out.
When BVI sought the opinion of the image maker of the Customary Govt of IPOB, Comrade Ndubuisi Anaenugwu, on the next action after the success recorded with the sit-at-home, he said there were three ways of getting independence for a nation, namely: Military, Political and Judicial methods.
According to Anaenugwu, the next action would be to play the politics of Biafra within and outside Nigeria and use Biafran sentiment to put Biafra activists into political power to effect necessary political and economic lobbying.
For Major Gen Onwuegbune (Rtd), Biafrans had fought a war and should now use legal, diplomatic and political strategies to achieve independence. Onwuegbuna advised Biafrans to love themselves and avoid any internal misunderstanding.
However, what has constituted a clog in the wheel of the Biafra struggle is the apparent disinterest by the Igbo elite. But the incarceration and release of Nnamdi Kanu appears to have begun the process of making the elite to take more than a passing interest in the agitation.
The involvement of these elite will, no doubt, give an intellectual bent to the agitation and de-robe it of the negative perception in many quarters that it is championed by the wretched of the Biafran earth.
The Biafra spirit is alive today as much as it was 50 years ago when, on May 30, 1967, the governor of the Eastern Region, Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, declared the territories under his control independent of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This separatist republic was known as the Republic of Biafra. Despite the collapse of the separatist republic in 1970, the agitation for the actualisation of the sovereign state of Biafra has continued peacefully, first with the idea being whispered and discussed in hushed tones among the masses of the Igbo heartland states in the South East geo-political zone, while the elite remained aloof and assumed a posture of indifference that could be taken as scorn for the idea of secession. The attitude of the elite of the Igbo towards the Biafra agitation was because successive governments since the end of hostilities in 1970 have extended a token of patronage to them as a step towards inclusiveness in government and consequent integration into the socio-economic equation of the Nigerian federation; a gesture the very hard-working and industrious people of the South East took full advantage of and prospered tremendously. For example, following the return to civil rule in 1979, the rest of the Nigerian nation ceded the vice presidency to the East in the person of Dr. Alex Ekwueme. In 1985, another Igbo man, Ebitu Ukiwe, was appointed as the Chief of General Staff and second-in-command in the military presidency of Ibrahim Babangida. Between 1999 and 2007, Igbo sons and daughters played leading roles in the kitchen cabinet, economic management team and National Security Council of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration. The Umar Musa Yar’Adua administration in 2009 appointed Ogbonna Onovo as the first Igbo IGP in the history of Nigeria.
However, all of these have changed in the last two years. For a close and objective observer of events in Nigeria since the beginning of the Muhammadu Buhari administration, it is manifestly clear that the Igbo ethnic group has never been this marginalised in the history of Nigeria. The victorious President Buhari has largely treated the Igbo as a conquered people. He has excluded them from his kitchen cabinet and National Security Council. These have further exacerbated the structural marginalisation of the Igbo, who have the least number of states and local governments in Nigeria, which makes them work hardest for the lowest reward. The Buhari administration appears to be punishing the whole South East for making a democratic choice against him. This heightened marginalisation of the Igbo has negatively affected the political elite in an unprecedented manner, leading to a drastic reduction in their already meagre privileges of state patronage. Today, the leading elite and masses of the Igbo have been passed through the crucible of deprivation by the Buhari administration and have become pressured into one. To every Igbo man, Biafra is utopia; the final solution to their problems of restricted development and prosperity. This new wave of sentiment is responsible for the near total compliance with the sit-at-home order issued by MASSOB to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the declaration of the Republic of Biafra.
There is no consensus of opinion among historians as to the real cause of the Civil War. However, a close look at some events before, during and after the war may reveal some leads into resolving the Biafra question. Among the various ethnic groups that formed amalgamated Nigeria, only the Igbo appears to have embraced the concept of the realities of the new modern state. The predominantly Muslim Hausa-Fulani of the north were very pessimistic about the prospect of a union in which they would co-habit with “a people that are not a people’’. To make matters worse, the new standard of participation in state affairs would be the acquisition of Western education, an area in which they were clearly disadvantaged because of the almost one century gap between the introduction of education by Christian missionaries to the southern part of the union and the period of the establishment of colonial government schools in the North. The fear of domination by the Christian South in the event of an independent Nigeria was real in the North. This fear was further heightened by the arrogance of education exhibited by some southern elite. Northerners were often ridiculed on account of their perceived backwardness. This unfortunate scenario was as a result of the fact that the basis of Nigeria’s political process was defined around ethno-geographic parameters. The education of the southern elite didn’t transform them from the comfort zones of their ethnic niche to broad-minded nationalists. As expected of patriots, rather than ridiculing their fellow countrymen in the northern region for their educational backwardness, their enlightenment should have made them broad-minded and sympathetic enough to view the problems of the North as a Nigerian problem and not a regional one, requiring all hands on deck. The North’s reaction was to insist on a rigid form of regional federal structure and leveraged on its large size in terms of land mass and population to negotiate a favourable political deal that guaranteed steady development at its own pace.
Consequently, the ethnic regional structure of the first republic gave rise to a conflict of indigenship of regions and citizenship of the country. Having embraced the concept of a united modern Nigeria wholeheartedly, largely because the pre-colonial political culture of the Igbo reflected the modern practices of democracy and consensus building, while their traditional economy was devoid of feudalist advantages but hinged on hard work and merit, they moved freely around the evolving nation of Nigeria and made a home out of every part. However, their success attracted envy and suspicion in their host communities outside the Eastern Region. The young middle cadre military officers of mostly Igbo origin that staged the January 1966 coup were clearly unable to reconcile the realities of a strong regional federation and their ideals of nationalism and military service to fatherland. It was the conflict of regional indigeneship and Nigerian citizenship that boiled over into the bloody chain reactions of the coup, counter-coup and civil war between 1966 and 1970.
The lesson not learnt from the war is the need to resolve the various conflicts of interests militating against the transformation of Nigeria into a truly united, egalitarian and prosperous nation. The Biafran war brought to the fore the question of the right and privileges of a Nigerian citizen living outside his region of origin. The leaders of the first republic and those after them failed to resolve this question satisfactorily. After the regions, states were also created along ethno-geographic fault lines rather than on economically pragmatic settlement patterns that took into consideration the preservation of Nigeria’s unity in diversity. In resolving this question, the federating units should become organic and move away from being rigid ethno-geographic structures to flexible entities that allow for the proper assimilation and integration of any citizen of Nigeria who, for political, cultural and economic reasons, choses to reside in a federating unit outside his place of origin. The acceptance, integration and assimilation of the Igbo in all parts of Nigeria will go a long way in resolving this crisis. If their energy and skills are accommodated by Nigerians, it will be a source of prosperity for any community where they settle. The industrious enterprise of the Igbo should not be scorned but appreciated and considered worthy of emulation.
The danger posed to the existence of the Nigerian nation by a passive but defiant war being waged between ‘Biafra’ and Nigeria is real. The first and immediate step at resolving this impasse is for the current administration to reconstitute the relevant organs of government to fully include the South East, particularly the National Security Council. Furthermore, the rest of Nigeria should reach a consensus aimed at making the otherwise cumbersome creation of states and local government smooth and easy to bring the South East at par with the rest of the country. Finally, political leaders across the geo-political zones in a bipartisan manner should set a timeline for the emergence of a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction.
As Acting President Yemi Osinbajo, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, Ohanaeze President-General, Chief Nnia Nwodo and a host of others spoke about Biafra, at an event commemorating the declaration of the failed Eastern Nigerian republic, I could not help but wonder what would have become of the Federal Republic of Biafra by now had it succeeded. Would Biafra have been a successful country and among nations to be reckoned with in the world? Would Biafra have been a struggling republic, like Nigeria, which is yet to attain its potentiality? Would Biafra have been worth the trouble and blood of the Igbo and South southerners, who believed in it and fought for it?
Well, one is not God, who knows everything and, therefore, could say what would have become of Biafra, as a country. However, if prevailing indices are anything to go by, perhaps, Biafra, had it succeeded, could have been a country, all things being equal, which would have advanced, in socio-economic development. Yes, a country at war, which was able to refine petroleum products, with a decrepit infrastructure, a nation at war, which was able to develop a bomb (Ogbunigwe), fabricate aircraft (Biafran Mosquito and others), armoured tank, warship and others, could have, in time of peace, done much more. Yes, a country at war, which fought for three years, with what could pass for bare hands, against a Nigeria that had the support of other nations, perhaps, could not have been a pushover. Indeed, a nation with enterprising citizens, who go out and make success in their environment could also have attained greatness or on the verge of it. However, for a Biafra, whose people are mobile and love to go to other places to conquer, is it possible that all Igbo investments now spread across Nigeria, in their trillions of dollars, could have been domiciled in the Biafran enclave and, therefore, ensures the development of the country? This is a food for thought.
Fifty years ago, then Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, military governor of Eastern Nigeria, after consultation with the people, had declared Biafra. Today, Biafra still resonates among the majority of those in its territory then. Has anybody wondered why this is so? I am persuaded that Biafra is still an issue because the fundamental issues Ojukwu raised, in declaring the country, are yet to be addressed. They bother on security, injustice and inequality.
For the avoidance of doubt, Ojukwu had stated on May 30, 1967: “Fellow countrymen and women, you, the people of Eastern Nigeria: Conscious of the supreme authority of Almighty God over all mankind, of your duty to yourselves and prosperity; Aware that you can no longer be protected in your lives and in your property by any government based outside Eastern Nigeria; Believing that you are born free and have certain inalienable rights, which can best be preserved by yourselves; Unwilling to be unfree partners in any association of a political or economic nature; Rejecting the authority of any person or persons other than the Military Government of Eastern Nigeria to make any imposition of whatever kind or nature upon you; Determined to dissolve all political and other ties between you and the former Federal Republic of Nigeria; Prepared to enter into such association, treaty or alliance with any sovereign state within the former Federal Republic of Nigeria and elsewhere on such terms and conditions, as best to subserve your common good; Affirming your trust and confidence in me; Having mandated me to proclaim on your behalf, and in your name the Eastern Nigeria be a sovereign independent Republic. Now, Therefore I, Lieutenant-Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, Military Governor of Eastern Nigeria, by virtue of the authority, and pursuant to the principles recited above, do hereby solemnly proclaim that the territory and region known as and called Eastern Nigeria together with her continental shelf and territorial waters shall henceforth be an independent sovereign state of the name and title of The Republic of Biafra.”
Today, Igbo still feel thus: “Aware that you can no longer be protected in your lives and in your property by any government based outside Eastern Nigeria,” as, at every provocation and in matters they are not even involved, they are killed and their property destroyed, as it happens often in the North. Today, Igbo are still feeling this way: “Unwilling to be unfree partners in any association of a political or economic nature,” as they face tough times where they live and ply their trade, owing to conscious and unconscious efforts by people, who either do not like them or afraid of them. Today, Igbo strongly feels thus: “Believing that you are born free and have certain inalienable rights, which can best be preserved by yourselves,” as they go places and, out of share hard work, vision and drive, conquer their environment and make success of it, no matter the odds.
This means that nothing much has changed from what they were in the days leading to the Civil War. However, I do appreciate Osinbajo’s approach to the whole matter. I do commend his thoughts about Biafra. I do appreciate his understanding that equity and justice are the things that provoke agitations. I do commend his handling of the recent sit-at-home order called by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), which paralysed the South East and some parts of South South, as there was no report of extra-judicial killing by security agents. These are what were missing before. Now, where President Muhammadu Buhari used threat and force, Osinbajo used diplomacy and reason. Where President Buhari talked down on the people, Osinbajo raised their hopes, by saying that there was more to achieve together.
Yes, despite the fact that Biafra agitation continues, the tension has come down. The difference is the approach of the man at the helm of affairs. Some people accused President Buhari of fanning the embers of Biafra. Of course, this is true. He chose every talking opportunity to speak about Biafra in the most uncharitable and condescending manner. His government’s attitude towards Igbo is, to say the least, unfavourable, as seen in appointments and location of projects.
Taking all these together, there is an urgent need for a change of attitude by other Nigerians, as a people and government, as institution, towards the Igbo. Igbo are not asking for anything special, other than justice, fairness and equity. The Igbo are ready to compete on a level playing field. The Igbo have proved to be the most patriotic Nigerians, as they are, mostly, Nigerians, who go to other parts of the country and call it home, establishing business and building houses. Whereas most other Nigerians put their investments in their domain, Igbo move out, make effort, succeed and dig in. This may be foolishness, but it shows their belief in one nation, where love and fairness reign.
The Federal Government and indeed, other Nigerians ought to worry that IPOB and the Movement for the Actualisation of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) asked the “Biafra” to stay indoors on May 30 and they did, without compulsion. They should be worried enough, to begin to do something that would make the Igbo, whether they were born before 1967 or not, to stop dreaming of Biafra, but have a sense of belonging in a country, where fate has made them part of. This should ginger them to action, to build an egalitarian society were there are no slaves and freeborn.
For the Biafra agitators, they should decide whether they want propaganda or out to cause a change. Inasmuch as I admire the likes of Ralph Uwazuruike and Nnamdi Kanu, who have the impetus to talk about Biafra and mobilise for it, I believe they should define what they are really up to. Now, for instance, is Kanu a political leader or religious leader? I heard that people now bow for him, as a Judaism adherent. What is this for? Kanu should know that if he makes Biafra a religious matter, tied round Judaism, he would be alienating some people, who may be Christians, Muslims or non-believers but believe in his cause. As someone said, “Igbo are Igbo”, while “Jews are Jews.” God had already created the Igbo and given them that special gift to excel. They have their identity. It is for them to use the God-given potentiality positively, purposely and tactfully. With this, they cannot be ignored, in Nigeria, or anywhere they find themselves. Never!
AN ADDRESS BY THE ADMINISTRATOR OF THE CUSTOMARY GOVERNMENT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF BIAFRA, CG-IPOB TO ALL BIAFRANS ON THE OCCASION OF THE HERO’S DAY AND COMMEMORATION OF THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA BY GENERAL CHUKWUEMEKA ODUMEGWU OJUKWU, THE PEOPLES GENERAL
My fellow Biafrans, I salute you all. On a day like today, 30th day of the month of May, in the year of Our Lord 1967, our great people of Biafra took the world like a storm by declaring the birth of a new Republic to be known as the Republic of Biafra. On a day like today our great people of Biafra accepted to take their destiny in their own hands. On a day like today, our heroes and heroines stood up, defiantly to challenge an orchestrated attempt by the force of extermination descending on them from the better-equipped army of Nigeria.
Today, 30th day of May 2017, our great people of Biafra are remembering over 3.5 million Biafrans killed by the combined forces of the world power in the planned effort to bring back our people into the Nigeria Federation. Today, we remember all those killed in the Northern and western Nigeria during the pogrom. Today, we remember all those heroes of our people slaughtered in cold-blood by the combined forces of the world, backing Nigerian troops as they dropped bombs inside markets, Churches, Schools, and other civilian locations all over Biafraland, in the most senseless war ever recorded in history. Today we remember those civilian Biafrans still being killed all over Nigeria, for the mere reason that they are Biafrans. Today we remember the slaughtered pro-Biafrans agitators that are continually being killed for peacefully agitating for Biafra.
My fellow Biafrans, today we Biafrans are mourning our dead. We are equally celebrating that challenge of our life. It is a day when the great valiant Biafran people decided to stand up to stop the move by the radical Islamic force called Nigerian military to exterminate our people.
That war can never be forgotten. All those attempting to make us forget that horrid experience, must be told in an unmistakable terms that WE CAN NEVER FORGET. Yes, we might forgive, but we can never forget.
Therefore as we mourn our fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters and all our loved ones who died that we may live, may we do a very serious mind-searching on the issues of the moment. Today, we Biafrans are on another mission to restore that lost Republic, through another route. Let the power of history be our watchword.
The world stood by and watch as over 3.5 million people, both combatants and noncombatants were slaughtered, some cold bloodedly, without doing anything to stop the carnage. Today, 50 years after, the world has said nothing. The world, with all their conscience being canvassed, stood by, sometimes aiding Nigerian troops, as they mercilessly murder our mothers, and sisters and children, without as much as condemned the orgy of blood.
My fellow Biafrans, let me remind you that going by that horrid experience, we the Customary Government of indigenous people of Biafra, has declared today, and every other day of 30th May every year as Biafra cultural day of mourning of our dead relatives. In doing this, my fellow Biafrans be law abiding. Do all you want to do to mourn our dead without violence. Respect the law of the land wherever you reside. Show the world that we Biafrans are passionate about our loss. Our people do mourn and bury our dead respectively. So dead Biafrans must be mourned respectively. Do not force anybody to do particular things for this occasion. Let our conscience carry us through.
Therefore , let all Biafrans be cautious and careful. The situation is still not clement. Be smart, sharp and vigilant.
Biafrans, mourn your dead.
Thank you.
Aniebue Anthony
Administrator, Customary Government of Indigenous People of Biafra CG-IPOB.
BIAFRA v NIGERIA- MATTERS ARISING FROM THE LEGACIES OF BIAFRA CONFERENCE HELD IN LONDON: BARRISTER EMEKA EMEKESIRI PROFFERS THE SOLUTION TO THE BIAFRA-NIGERIA CONUNDRUM
The Legacies of Biafra Conference held at SOAS of the University of London 21 – 22 April 2017 has been described as very successful. Please find attached the Lecture delivered by Barrister Emeka Emekesiri at the event. The Conference has thrown up certain matters which the Biafrans have been advised to attend to in their quest for self-determination. At the moment, two ideological differences have emerged, namely:
1. The first ideological strategy is the pursuit of self-determination by due process of law consisting of legal, political and diplomatic methods. By this methodology, the core Biafran activists are advised to take over the political power in the whole of Biafraland and put Biafran activists in the Government Houses and Houses of Assembly. With their millions of activists they can use their vote to put any of the Biafran activists in power. They can then pass the Biafran Bills into Law in their Houses of Assembly and create the Biafran Government by Law at regional level first. This is the first stage of the Struggle for Independence. The second stage is for the Biafrans then to decide by a Referendum whether they will pull out entirely from Nigeria and gain total independence or continue to govern themselves as Biafrans within Nigeria. At the first and second stages of the strategy, there will be some diplomatic meetings and negotiations with the Nigerian authorities and the powerful countries in the International Community for the final pull-out. This strategy is advocated by Barrister Emeka Emekesiri, the Solicitor for Indigenous People of Biafra and the vision bearer of the legal methodology of self-determination which he commenced with the case between Biafra and Nigeria in the Federal High Court Owerri. To lay a proper foundation for this strategy, the vision bearer and those who believe in this method have activated the political structure called MOBIN (Movement of Biafrans in Nigeria) in alliance with the United Progressive Party (UPP) which they have adopted as the Biafran National Party just as the Scottish activists have the SNP in the British politics advocating for the Independence of Scotland. The challenge the Biafrans have now is to install hardcore Biafran activists in power who can use the State Power to their advantage and speed up the Biafran project.
2. The second ideological strategy is the boycotting of the elections in Biafraland and abstaining from all involvements with the Nigerian politics and law. The proponents of this methodology believe that the Nigerian Constitution is fraudulent and therefore every election under the fraudulent Constitution is a continuation of enslavement in Nigeria. They do not believe in obtaining self-governance as Biafrans within Nigeria first before pulling out from Nigeria entirely. Those who believe in this method said that if the Biafrans boycott the elections, abstain from the Nigerian politics and resist the fraudulent Constitution, Biafra would come. They have not explained how Biafra would come but they sincerely believe that Biafra would come by divine intervention if we boycott the elections. They have no answer or solution or clearly defined methodology to achieve Biafra but believe that God will cause Biafra to come by miracle if we boycott the elections, census and voters registration going on in Biafraland now.
Two figures have emerged with these ideological differences. The first figure advocating legal, political and diplomatic strategies is Barrister Emeka Emekesiri while the second figure advocating the boycotting of politics, elections and rejection of legal method is Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. Barr Emekesiri has explained that there are three ways of getting independence for a nation, namely: (a) Military method, that is, war and violence; (b) Political method, that is, engaging in politics and passing the Bill of Referendum or Bill of Independence into law and creating the new nation by law; (c) Judicial method, that is, by using the powers of the Court (national or international court) to declare the peoples right to self-determination and carving out their territory by Court Order. It was by the Order of the International Court of Justice that Bakassi was carved out from Nigeria and given over to Cameroon.
The Biafrans were told to boycott the elections in 2015 by the Radio Biafra broadcaster so that Biafra would come but Biafra did not come. The boycott made President Goodluck Jonathan to lose the election to General Mohammadu Buhari. We are now crying for allowing the Moslems to take over power with which they persecute us today. Also the Biafrans were told to boycott the census in 2006 by Ralph Uwazuruike and now we have become the minority region in the official records held by the world bodies for Nigeria.
All the Biafrans are free to choose the method they want to believe and follow. They don’t have to attack one another. Any person who is interested in identifying with this cause by the rule of law consisting of legal, political and diplomatic methods is advised to reply this email and confirm his or her acceptance. The person is advised to contact MOBIN Directors by email at mobinbiafra@protonmail.com; or mobin.freebiafra@gmail.com; or visit their website at www.mobin.ng
There is no need for the Biafrans to quarrel among themselves. We have decided to re-organize the movement and re-strategise for the final battle of wits. It is now the battle of the brains. Much noise has been made. Time of noise-making is over. The noise-making was good and has served its purpose in creating much awareness. We believe that we will beat the Nigerians in their own game just as we have beaten them in the Federal High Court Owerri where they have no good defence. The Solicitor has informed us that the case in Court has legalized the Biafran Struggle and purchased judicial immunity for all the Biafrans. While the case is pending in Court, the Biafrans have the right to govern themselves under Customary Law until they pass the Biafran Bill into law in any of the Houses of Assembly in Biafraland to create a statutory Government of Biafra at regional level.
Any person who has not got a copy of the Lecture delivered by Barrister Emeka Emekesiri at the University of London is advised to write to Indigenous People of Biafra by email to ipobiafra@yahoo.com and request for a copy. In the Lecture, he proffered the best solution to the Biafra-Nigeria conundrum. This is another formula he has invented to solve national problems just like the other formulae he has created in Nigeria including the formula for the Petroleum Industry Bill currently before the National Assembly which the Northerners have opposed.
Further to the releases on the golden jubilee celebration of Biafra declaration ,the Customary Government has announced tomorrow being 30th May as Cultural Day of mourning .
Biafrans across the globe are advised to see every 30th May as a day of mourning all those who died while fighting for Biafra freedom in line with our Customary laws.
THE RESPONSE OF THE CUSTOMARY GOVERNMENT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF BIAFRA CG-IPOB TO THE INCIDENT IN ABAKALIKI , EBONYI STATE BIAFRA(NIGERIA).
The Customary Government of Indigenous People of Biafra (CG-IPOB) is shocked to hear that one of the peaceful activities organized by the Director of Political Education and Governance of Movement of Biafrans in Nigeria (MOBIN) – Evangelist Joe Agbo was disrupted by a bunch of thugs suspected to have been sent by the Governor of Ebonyi State – Gov Umahi. The event was to mark Evangelist Agbo 50th birthday celebration which coincided with 50th anniversary of declaration of independent state of Biafra by Gen. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Peoples General and hero’s day in Abakaliki, Ebonyi State.
We wish to raise an alarm for the introduction of this cankerworm and remind Gov Umahi that during the South Sudanese war of independence, President Al Bashir of Sudan, used some South Sudanese thugs called Janjaweeds militia (men on horse) to terrorize the southern Sudanese towns and villages, killing their people, burning houses, raping women and girls, and looting wherever they attacked. Since the activation of this sickly innovation, the lives of Southern Sudanese have never been the same. Today, fraternal war has continued to devastate that young nation years after independence.
The event of 27th May 2017 at Abakaliki Ebonyi State Biafra(Nigeria) has initiated a new dimension in Biafran struggle for restoration of sovereignty, where Governor Umahi used thugs to disrupt a peaceful but legal activity of Movement of Biafrans in Nigeria (MOBIN) in Biafra land.
The Customary Government of indigenous people of Biafra (CG-IPOB) wishes therefore to alert the world of the emergent of this new but highly obnoxious innovation which if not condemned and checked by all peaceful people of the world can chart a new route to the ‘South Sudanese experiment’ in Biafra. The Customary Government therefore condemn in totality the introduction by Ebonyi state Government of this dangerous move into the indigenous people of Biafras’ peaceful approach to freedom.The Customary Government is equally appealing to all peaceful people of the world to rise up and condemn this recent move by Nigerian government of occupation to introduce the South Sudanese experience into Biafra land.
It is very regrettable that Ebonyi State Governor, Mr. Umahi could allow himself to be used as a willing tool to set into operation this dangerous trend of instigating a brother against his brother inside Biafra land. We wish to remind him that setting brother against his fellow brother in Biafra cannot be allowed and tolerated in whatever form or means. The world cannot afford to have another South Sudan in West Africa. The leaders of peaceful world should therefore rise up in total condemnation of this beastiality in Governance in Biafra land.
The Customary Government of Indigenous People of Biafra cannot accept Gov Umahi’s explanation that Abuja was not comfortable with the conference ,and that DSS mounted pressure on him to stop the event.That explanation was unintelligent as the same conference on Biafra was allowed in Musa Yarudua Centre, Abuja few days ago where the Vice President spoke on Biafra. If DSS was interested in stopping the conference in Abakiliki as opined by Gov Umahi , why using Government agent led by Mark Onu to disrupt the event? Is DSS afraid to invite the organizers of the event for interrogation? Customary Govt of IPOB wishes to put it on record that should anything happen the Evangelist Joe Agbo,a preacher , an academia and an activist per excellence , Gov Umahi will have the entire Biafra people to confront.The battle line has been drawn and going forward ,we shall view Ebonyi state as the seat of Government of occupation .
CG- IPOB wishes to thank all Biafrans for their resolve to remain peaceful and non-violent in this struggle for freedom despite all provocation by the agents of Nigerian Government of occupation. It is our fundamental human rights to be free as a people. It is our inalienable rights as indigenous people created by God to be allowed to live and manage our affairs unhindered by anybody in free world of democracy and freedom. We cannot continue to be caged and fettered in a world that proclaim liberty to all men of God.Biafrans have the right to enjoy freedom like any other human being created by God.
The Customary Government of Indigenous People of Biafra ,once again call on all Biafrans to remain law abiding throughout this period of celebration to remember our departed Heroes who died defending this land that we may live.
Freedom to Biafra! Freedom to indigenous people of Biafra! Freedom to all who desire it!
Thank you.
Aniebue Anthony. The Administrator , Customary Government of Indigenous People of Biafra CG-IPOB
Please below is the speech of the President of Ohanaze Ndigbo Chief Nnia Nwodo Jnr at the Yar Adua center on 50 years of Biafra. The Acting President Prof Yemi Osinbajo and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo were guests.
50 YEARS AFTER BIAFRA: REFLECTIONS AND HOPES
PROTOCOLS:
1. I am grateful to Shehu Musa Yar Adua Foundation, Ford Foundation and OSIWA – the co-sponsors of this event for your kind invitation. I commend your foresight in convening this conference, the first major conference discussing Biafra outside of Igboland. Nigeria. In hosting this conference the Yar’Adua Centre, which is best known for promoting national cohesion, honours the legacy of a great patriot: Shehu Musa Yar Adua. He died building bridges of understanding across our nation. I salute his family and associates for sustaining the legacy of Shehu through the works of this Foundation.
2. It is significant that you have chosen to harvest sober memories of Biafra. By so doing, you help us to wisely situate today’s talks of Biafra in the proper context: namely, as an opportunity for nation building; and not – as an invitation for invectives or recrimination.
3. 50 years ago, Nigeria faced disintegration by the declaration of the Republic of Biafra. Biafra was born out of the political crisis which engulfed Nigeria at that time. The crisis began with the struggle for leadership in the Western Region of Nigeria, the declaration of state of emergency in the West, the coup of January 1966, the counter coup of July 1966, the pogroms, the declaration of Biafra and the commencement of a police action that turned into a three years civil war.
4. I hope that our gathering today may contribute to the body of knowledge or body of lessons from the war. Lest we forget, there is wisdom in the words of George Santayana that: those who do not know their history are doomed to repeat it. That is why I thank you for the chance for us to collectively remember, reflect, hope and seek ways to build anew.
5. My most heartfelt reflection is that in the Nigeria-Biafra conflict, we can and should acknowledge the sacrifice – in blood, suffering and toil – by millions of citizens on both sides of that divide. They shared a common hope for their sacrifice: namely, that out of that war, we shall build a nation where no man is oppressed. The only difference was that for one side, Nigeria was that nation. For the other it was Biafra.
6. Let us spare a thought for every victim of that conflict and the crises before that: the leaders and the soldiers, ordinary men, women and children. Each one loved life; had hopes and dreamt dreams. They died prematurely and often, painfully.
7. For those of us that survived the war and others who came afterwards, we are both heirs to the sacrifices of fallen brethren. Let us commit ourselves today and always to their hopes for peace and justice. Anytime that we are violent, anytime that we are unjust in the exercise of our public trust, anytime we lower the ideals of this nation, we betray them; and we act as if they died in vain. As we honour their memory, today my worry is not only about the rising feeling of marginalization of Igbos or any other group but that our nation may emerge from this conflict a more united and prosperous country.
8. At the end of the war, in spite of a policy of no victor no vanquished by the Government of General Yakubu Gowon, an unconscionable policy of impoverishment of Biafrans was unleashed by the federal government. Every bank deposit of Biafrans that had encountered a transaction whether by deposit or withdrawal was reduced to £20. Massive savings were completely wiped out. Capacity for investment and recovery from the war was shattered. Whilst this poverty pervaded, the Indigenisation Decree was promulgated enabling other Nigerians, except Biafrans to acquire commanding heights in the indigenised companies which held at that time the critical and commanding heights of Nigeria’s private economy.
9. Nevertheless, on the issue of reconciliation, we must give due credit to the resilience of the people from the war affected areas and the generosity of millions of other Nigerians that opened their hearts and homes to their friends and neighbours that were victims of war. In many ways, it was by these incredible citizen to citizen relationships that Nigeria achieved one of the most remarkable post-conflict people to people reconciliation and reintegration in modern times.
10. Before the war national unity was the norm. A Biafran was a member of Northern Nigeria House of Chiefs. Biafrans lived freely and invested in all parts of Nigeria. In Lagos Dr Azikiwe was elected leader of Government Business. Mbonu Ojike was elected Deputy Speaker. In Enugu Alhaji Umoru Altine, a Fulani man was elected Mayor of Enugu. Mr Willougby a Yoruba man, was Accountant General.
11. On the economic front, the economy was buoyant. Import substitution industries grew rapidly and were more profitable. In the North, groundnut production and export fuelled economic growth. Textile industries flourished, agriculture boomed. Ahmadu Bello University thrived with outstanding international reputation.
12. In Lagos and the entire Western Region growth was phenomenal. Cocoa was a dependable foreign exchange earner. Cement, soft drinks, rubber, beer, soap and other import substitution industries grew phenomenally. Lagos, Ibadan and Ife housed universities of world standards. The first television station in black Africa was built. The first stadium in Nigeria was also built in the West.
13. In the Eastern Region palm produce grew the Eastern economy. Coal was mined and exported. Beer, cement, cashew nuts, tyres, aluminium, steel and soft drink factories grew rapidly. University of Nigeria was built and run by Americans.
14. Reflecting on 50 years after the Nigeria-Biafra conflict, it would seem to me that we have made very elaborate efforts: constitutional, political and administrative to ensure a united Nigeria. We must not shy away from giving our nation its due credit, after all, some other societies with challenges like ours did not fare as well as we did.
15. However, we should not rest on our oars. Unity is not an end in itself; and ultimately, the best way to sustain our unity is to apply it to achieve a higher objective; namely, nation building.
16. Our political system is jaundiced, unfair, exploitative and unsustainable. Since attainment of independence the civilians have not been able to agree on a political structure. Our present constitution and the previous 1979 constitution were impositions of the military – an unrepresentative and dictatorial corps whose decrees were seriously influenced by the lop-sidedness of their composition.
17. The economic and development data from Nigeria is unencouraging in many sectors. Our law and order system including the police, the court system and the penal system has been characterised by impunity, incompetence and indiscipline.
18. On the global Terrorism Index Nigeria ranks 3rd after Iraq and Afghanistan and ahead of Pakistan and Syria. The World Economic Forum ranks Nigeria 127 out of 138 on the Global Competitiveness Index. The UNESCO ranks Nigeria with Chad, Pakistan and Ethiopia as the worst educational system in the world. Nigeria, according to the report, has the highest number of children out of school and one of the world’s worst education systems due to a combination of corruption, conflict and lack of investment. In the Human Development Index of the United Nations Development Program, Nigeria ranks 152 out of 188 countries and is the lowest among OPEC countries. The data points to a bleak future as we march to post-oil world without a coherent plan to reduce conflict and build a new national consensus.
19. On the positive side, there is a global consensus that Nigeria is highly potentiated. With a population of about 182 million people, by current estimates; and with our vast mineral and material resources; a well-organized Nigeria should be a land of plenty that supports its people and a leader in the comity of nations. Sadly, this is not the case.
20. Almost every Nigerian is agreed that Nigeria is not working but there is no clear consensus on why; or on what to do about it. Some say that it is merely a problem of leadership and once that is fixed all other things will fall in place. Others say that it is a problem of corruption. Once you tackle that, everything will be fine. Others have said that our problem is one of law and order; some say it is more fundamental and has to do with control of resources, structure of the Federation and thus requires more equitable sharing of revenue and the devolution of powers. Others say it can be fixed with power rotation and a more level playing field. It has been said that it could be a bit of all of the above; and that Nigeria cannot be fixed without a fundamental change of values and attitudes. Whatever the case, it will not profit us to pretend that we do not face existential challenges
21. These challenges are worrisome; especially to our younger ones who must face the fact that the next 50 years could be even more challenging and there is a good chance that we could be left behind if we fail to take action today. For instance, it is estimated in some quarters, that by 2050 – that is in 33 years’ time – Nigeria could be the 4th most populous country in the world. That means that Nigeria, which is just twice the size of Texas; would be more populous than all the United States of America. Meanwhile, as of today, we have a GDP that is barely 2% of that of the United States.
22. At the same time, in the years ahead, we could face very severe ecological challenges that will impact negatively on our economy. The desert is encroaching southwards at a speed of up to 6 km per annum. Thus within 33 years we could lose about 200 km of land to the desert – across the north. This can only exacerbate competition for arable land in the north and elsewhere – with dire political consequences.
23. In the South East, we could expect more ecologically-induced dislocation. For instance, the government of Anambra State estimates that about 40% of the State is threatened by erosion. In the South-South, by 2050 we could be dealing with the reality of a post-oil economy and yet have massive environmental degradation that is yet unattended to. There is also the possibility that much of the mangrove ecosystem could be lost to deforestation. Lagos could have a population of up to 50 million people and face unbearable challenges of massive urbanization.
24. We must become more responsive to the world around us, or we and our children will be left behind. These are some of the fears and anxieties of our youths. We have for too long allowed the bitterness of the war and its lingering feelings to dictate our political relationships. The coalition that fought the war is still in control of Nigeria engaging in rhetoric that fuelled the war in managing renascent Nigeria. The young men and women who were not part of the war are frustrated by this impasse.
25. Those who are in the East fuel strong agitations for separation in the face of clear treatment as second class citizens. War is the primary instrument of military dictatorship while negotiation and agreement are the essential ingredients of civilian democracy and political diplomacy. Nations are not created and sustained by street warfare. The federal government of Nigeria must instruct its police and army to promulgate a ceasefire and disengage from further unproductive street warfare with IPOB and MASSOB. There are no problems which cannot be resolved by negotiation.
26. We do not want any more wars. We have shed enough blood without producing corresponding political results. 50 years after Biafra the time is now overripe for a fresh approach. We must immediately commence discussions and fruitful negotiations about our political future. In the era of assymetrical warfare, war is no more an easy option for states, therefore we must negotiate our way out of a sense of national despair to a new national consensus that unlocks our national possibilities.
27. Nigeria, blessed as the richest and the most popular nation in Africa has enormous potentials. Every part of Nigeria can survive as an independent country. The North with its mineral and agricultural potentials can build a strong nation. The West with its cocoa, oil, indomitable intellectual know how and commerce can build another Britain. The South South with its oil, notwithstanding its declining economic potency can transform its area before oil ceases to be a major foreign exchange earner. The East with industry, outstanding innovation and little oil may still emerge as the African wonder. But none of these little enclaves will rival the capacity of a united and reconciled Nigeria. We must all rise up and save this nation from a trajectory that will make a break up a more viable option.
28. The challenges ahead are beyond Biafra. Just like the challenge in North East Nigeria exploded in our face and has engaged our nation for almost 9 years; we could face challenges anywhere and anytime. In my view, if we fail to build a nation that caters fairly for all its citizens; and prepares us for the world of tomorrow – there will be new challenges in the future.
29. We must find creative ways to manage a complex multi-ethnic and multi-religious state. History teaches us that no society is static; the status quo cannot endure forever. We must find creative ways to promote political, economic and social justice within a nation and between the people that comprise it. If not, then we are invariably opening the doors to future threats of chaos, disorder and societal dislocation.
30. The final challenge of our generation is to show that we learnt the right lesson from that sad conflict of 50 years ago. We must bequeath our children with a nation that works for all and one that looks ahead. We want a Federal Republic of Nigeria which is collectively owned by all Nigerians as opposed to a Federal Republic that will be perceived as a the private property of one group or groups of ethnic groups depending on who is in office. The categorical destination is a Nigerian Nigeria under the collective hegemony of the people of Nigeria. In order to achieve this we must have a flexible federation; strong enough to guarantee our collective defence and protect individual rights, agile enough to react to emerging tensions and threats, yet expansive enough to allow each state room to develop at its own pace. We must create a national order whereby each state bears the primary responsibility for its development.
31. Today majority of Nigerians are yearning for a restructuring of the federation. The beneficiaries of our current system are resisting it. A famous British Prime Minister in the wake of nationalist struggles in colonial Africa said to the British ‘there is a wind of change blowing throughout Africa. Those who resist it do so at their own peril’.
32. Nigeria cannot prosper, as it should, unless we redress some aspects of our current condition. I believe we have enough men and women of vision and experience, in every part of the country, to help us plot a bright future. I commit Ohaneze Ndigbo to this path. It may be difficult but it is doable.
33. True leadership evolves in historical circumstances like this. Our country is at cross roads. You can feel the tension every day. It is palpable, it is potent, it is real. Let us wake up to the change imperative at this moment and claim a glorious judgment by History.
