Nigeria will face Benin, Libya and Rwanda in Group D of the qualifiers for the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON qualifiers) in Morocco as unveiled on Thursday at the draw ceremony in Johannesburg, South Africa.
The 2025 AFCON will be played from December 21, 2025 to January 18, 2026 following the decision of CAF to adjust the schedule of the tournament for the congested FIFA calendar.
It will be the first time in Nations Cup history that the tournament will kick off in December and run over the Christmas and New Year periods.
The full draw for 2025 AFCON qualifiers made in Johannesburg on Thursday:
Group A Tunisia, Madagascar, Comoros, Gambia
Group B Morocco (hosts), Gabon, Central African Republic, Lesotho
Group C Egypt, Cape Verde, Mauritania, Botswana
Group D Nigeria, Benin, Libya, Rwanda
Group E Algeria, Equatorial Guinea, Togo, Liberia
Group F Ghana, Angola, Sudan, Niger
Group G Ivory Coast (holders), Zambia, Sierra Leone, Chad
Group H Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea, Tanzania, Ethiopia
Group I Mali, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Eswatini
Group J Cameroon, Namibia, Kenya, Zimbabwe
Group K South Africa, Uganda, Congo Brazzaville, South Sudan
Group L Senegal, Burkina Faso, Malawi, Burundi
Date
Sept 2-10: Matchdays 1, 2
Oct 7-15: Matchdays 3, 4
Nov 11-15: Matchdays 5, 6
Notes
— Liberia, Eswatini, South Sudan and Chad won preliminary ties; other 44 qualifiers received byes.
— Winners and runners-up qualify from each group except that containing Morocco, who will take part to gain competitive match practice. Morocco qualify automatically as hosts so only the best placed of the other three teams in their section will secure a place.
— Morocco will host Cup of Nations from Dec 21 2025 to Jan 18 2026.
Benue State has recorded four deaths from suspected cases of cholera.
The State Epidemiologist, Dr Henry Ijabo, disclosed this to journalists on Thursday and stated that 16 suspected cases were recorded.
He added that the suspected cases were noticed in three local government areas of the state, Agatu, Otukpo, and Ado.
The epidemiologist said, “The death in suspected cases is four, mind you, it’s suspected cases. We don’t have confirmed cases in Benue yet.
“All that we have are suspected cases. Out of the 16 suspected cases, four died, they exhibited symptoms that are keeping with cholera but not confirmed.”
He said that the four cases died while the investigation was still ongoing.
After a meritorious service of two terms of 10 years, Professor Uzodinma Nwala, has finally bowed out as the president of Alaigbo Development Foundation (ADF).
Nze Coleman Emeka Chukwudelunzu, who retired from the ministry of defence Abuja, was at the weekend elected as the new president of ADF.
The ADF election was conducted on Saturday,June 29, through zoom meeting in six centers namely Enugu, Anambra, Imo and Abia states, including Abuja and in diaspora, was monitored from the ADF secretariat, located at Umuezebi street, New haven, Enugu.
The final results after collation of votes from the six centres as announced by the chairman of the electoral committee, Dr Kachi Nwoga, showed that Nze Chukudelunzu was unanimously elected as the new president of Alaigbo Development Foundation(ADF).
It was observed that other officials were equally elected unopposed and the positions evenly distributed among the Igbo speaking states and the Igbos in diaspora.
Col.Joe Ogbonna(rtd) emerged as ADF Vice President in diaspora while Architect Eric Eyuchae was elected as new ADF National Vice President.
Captain Casmir Nwafor(rtd) was elected as new national secretary of the foundation with Engr. Vincent Obi as the new deputy national secretary. The position of national financial secretary was won by chief Alex Okemiri as Mazi Onochie Ukeme was elected as national treasurer.
The position of ADF legal adviser was won by Professor Philip Akah, Mazi Oluchi Ibe was elected as the national publicity secretary with Mr Ndubuisi Anienugu as deputy publicity secretary.
Others include Prince Solomon Udochukwu who emerged as National Organising secretary,Comrade Linda Monday Chinwendu emerged as ADF new welfare officer while Comrade Joachim Anyanwu was elected as membership secretary.
In his acceptance speech, the new president of ADF, Nze Coleman Chukwudelunzu, assured that his administration will continue with the good works and vision of his predecessor. Prof. Nwala, who is equally the founder of the Igbo socio cultural organisation, whose ultimate goal is to advance the socio-economic development of Igbo land and welfare of Ndigbo.
Nze Chukwudelunzu promised to table the cause of Igbo marginalisation from the mainstream of affairs of Niigeria to relevant authorities and to push for aggressive socio economic development of Igbo land,by appealing to Igbos in diaspora to invest in Igbo land.
A press statement from the ADF secretariat Enugu, signed by the administrative secretary, Comrade Osita Chukwuagbanarinam, disclosed that the newly elected ADF officials will be issued with their Certificate of returns during the 10th ADF anniversary celebration,holding at Umuahia, on July 13.
It should be noted that ADF, a as a body of Intellectuals with the burning desire to solve the Igbo question in Nigeria and in the larger world, have been under the leadership of Emeritus Prof. Uzodinma Nwala for about ten years now. In accordance with ADF Constitution, Council scheduled an election for a new leadership which just took place today – 29/6/2024. ADF Constitution provides for a maximum ten-year tenure. And the present Executive has its last five-year period beginning from 2019.
The Election which is strictly for Council Members, a body with the responsibility of policy direction of the Organization; was organised in six centres across the globe, Enugu, Anambra, Imo, Abuja, Abia and Diaspora, in view of the mass membership spread of ADF. The Council members that participated to exercise their franchise were over fifty in number across the centres.
The Election was done under the Electoral Committee Chairmanship of Dr. Kachi Nwoga, former gubernatorial Candidate in Imo State governorship race while the ADF Admin Secretary Comrade Osita Chukwuagbanarinam served as the Secretary of Electoral Committee. The Committee has a membership of about 12 members.
The Election was hitch-free across the centres. It should be noted that this is the only legitimate ADF Election, credible and acceptable by all in line with the ADF transition program and Constitutional guideline.
The Election had the following Candidates who were all elected unoppposed. The Chairman of the Electoral Committee, Dr Kachi Nwoga announced the results, declaring them elected unopposed. On their shoulders rest the executive leadership of ADF for the next five years. Umuigbo expect them to sustain a committed and dedicated leadership in keeping with the standard set by Emeritus Prof T. Uzodinna Nwala.
The New ADF Executive Leadership include the following:
1. President: Nze Emeka Coleman Chukwudelunzu.
2. Vice President Diaspora: Col. Joel Ogbonna.
3. Vice President National: Architect Eric Eyutchae.
4. Secretary: Capt. Casmir Nwafor.
5. Deputy Secretary: Engr. Vincent Obi.
6. Financial Secretary: Chief Alex Okemmiri.
7. Treasurer: Mazi Onochie Ukeme.
8. Legal Adviser: Prof. Philip Akah.
9. Publicity Secretary: Mazi Oluchi Ibeh.
10. Deputy Publicity Secretary: Mr. Ndubisi Anienugu.
11. National Organizing Secretary: Prince Solomon Udochukwu.
12. Welfare: Comrade Linda Monday Chinwendu.
13. Membership Secretary: Comrade Joachim Anyanwu.
Also the list of Chairmen of Standing Committees of ADF will be Published in the coming days after due consultation with the appropriate authorities.
Similarly the list of the new members of ADF Board of Trustees shall be announced in the next few days.
All the over fifty ADF Council Members who participated in the election at the various centers danced joyously to the tune of ADF Anthem!
The certificate of return will be issued to each winner at Dr. Michael Okpara Auditorium Umuahia (Government House) during the commemoration of ADF 10 years Anniversary and also they will be inaugurated same day 13/7/2024.
Let me start by appreciating you for the laudable projects you have embarked on since your election as the executive governor of Anambra state.
The expectation from you across Africa and beyond is humongous that many expected you to solve all the problems with the wave of hand.
It is also good to note that as a human that you have conducted the affairs of the state with utmost humility and sense of purpose even though people like us expected so much from you.
However, the purpose of this open letter is to draw your attention to the new Solution Arena recently commissioned by you at Abakiliki junction by Unizik.The Solution Arena is without sounding immodest beautifully envisioned and built.Therefore it’s my considered opinion that such model should be replicated in all the corners of the three major cities in Anambra state using the PPP arrangement.All public spaces within this Cities should be recovered for such purpose and this is the sure way to minimize or possibly eradicate Street trading and hawking permanently.
Though it appears there is no reliable data on the actual number of people already in street trading, it’s not late in the day to discreetly begin enumeration and identification of genuine people into road side trading that meet certain set conditions for integration.These people in my opinion are part of the trade value chain that should not be neglected.Government has a lot of capacity to organize various interest groups with the main aim of maximizing public good and support.
Mr Governor, Surprisingly, I was taken aback when someone confided in me and alleged that your handlers at Solution arena were renting each small shop at an annual rate of #300,000 including PR of #100,000 and expression of interest form of N5000! They were deceived that allocation of the shops will be on balloting basis but ended up with direct allocation without refunding the N5000 !
Because, I have no place to verify Government information, thus, this public letter becomes necessary to draw your attention to this official extortion and sleaze.
If you will remember during the commissioning of the said Solution Arena and on quote; you specifically informed the public that the open shops will be given to street traders at a token!
I guess the figure I heard is not a token and runs contrary to the aim of the Solution arena as an interventionist model that would moderate the excesses of manipulative tendencies and forces in the dislocated or displaced market areas and at the same time demonstrating an administration with a human face.
Anything worth doing is worth doing well so just like the employment of teachers based on merit, I expected the handlers of Solution Arena to follow due process in renting out the open shops.Such due process could lead to selling of forms at a highly discounted rate of #1000 or within that range and consequent organization of public raffle draw for all the intended traders.
Government business is usually more of welfare maximization over profit maximization; so a token for such should be within reach and as low as #2500 per month,#30,000 per annum in order to make it affordable.
In conclusion, it is to my wish this issue is resolved and given considerable attention.
As always thank you.
Ndubuisi Anaenugwu.
Ambassador general of Good governance ministry.
The Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele, has advocated for an hourly minimum wage for workers in the country.
He suggested rethinking the structure of the minimum wage, proposing that it should be calculated based on hourly work.
Oyedele also mentioned that civil servants should be allowed to engage in other types of work, except farming, while working for the government, as long as it does not conflict with their government duties.
“My view is that we need to use this opportunity of minimum wage to have a rethink about our minimum wage structure.
“First and foremost, I do think it should be calculated per hour. And we need to relax some of the rules about civil services and what they can do. It should not just be limited to farming.
“You should be able to do more than one job provided that there’s no conflict and you can give the minimum hours to the government,” Oyedele said.
Speaking further, Oyedele believes that the minimum wage should be linked to worker productivity.
According to him, without productivity and output, even a N1 million minimum wage would soon lose value and be equivalent to N30,000.
He emphasized the need for measurable productivity standards for workers, which would help boost government revenue overall.
“There should also be conversations around measurable productivity. Imagine for instance if you’re able to measure the productivity of civil servants on behalf of government.
“And we have a structure that says the government cannot pay you a minimum wage that is less than the productivity that you have. What that will do for all of us is that civil servants will then start focusing on productivity because it drives their minimum wage.
“And otherwise, at the end of the day, it doesn’t matter how much we pay, even if it’s N1 million per month, if it’s not supported by productivity and output, give it about 2 months, the N1 million will look exactly like N30,000 today,” Oyedele added.
Recall that the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) have repeatedly demanded an increase in the minimum wage from N30,000 over the past year.
The labour unions proposed a minimum wage of N459,000, citing this amount as necessary for a worker’s survival given the current economic realities of the country.
However, the federal government stated that it could not sustain this demand, saying it was unsustainable and would result in N9.5 trillion annually.
Meanwhile, after much negotiation, labour settled for a N250,000 proposal while the federal government said it would pay the sum of N62,000.
The Federal Government has issued six licences to different firms for the independent distribution of electricity in Nigeria, data obtained from the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission showed.
An analysis of the recent licensing and permits’ sections of the commission showed that the regulator issued the Independent Electricity Distribution Network licences to the six companies in 2023.
The commission explained that the networks were designed to be independent of the main transmission system and operate on a smaller scale, providing electricity to specific areas or communities.
It said the development of independent electricity distribution networks is seen as a viable solution for improving electricity access and reliability in Nigeria.
The commission stated that it authorised the issuance of two new Independent Electricity Distribution Network licences and amendment of an existing IEDN licence in the first quarter of last year.
In the second quarter of 2023, the commission did not issue licences for power distribution networks, but stated that it “issued two new trading licences in 2023/Q2.”
The commission also stated that out of the 36 licences, permits and certifications issued in 2023/Q3, one was for the establishment of a new Independent Electricity Distribution Network, while one was a licence renewal for an IEDN.
The other licences, according to NERC, include a trading licence and certifications for Meter Service Providers and Meter Assets Providers.
The commission also issued 36 licences, permits and certifications in 2023/Q4. Three of the licences were for new Independent Electricity Distribution Network, while the others were trading licences, and certifications for Meter Service Providers and Meter Asset Providers.
All together, the commission issued six new Independent licences for the distribution of electricity in Nigeria. This, however, is different from the privatised 11 power distribution companies that emerged from the unbundling of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria in November 2013.
Although the issuance of licences and creation of Independent Electricity Distribution Networks by NERC is viewed as a means of improving electricity access and reliability in Nigeria, there have been resentments about the initiative.
State governors, for instance, recently declared that the Independent Electricity Distribution Network and distribution franchisee models developed by the Federal Government through NERC had not been effective.
Recall that due to this, the governors had said State Electricity Regulatory Commissions should come up with new models that would open the retail electricity space for companies to compete and tackle the poor power supply situation nationwide.
They disclosed this in their latest document on the power sector, titled, ‘Development of the National Integrated Electricity Policy and Strategic Implementation Plan Policy Recommendations by State Governments,’ which was submitted to the Federal Ministry of Power.
They made this known to the Federal Government through the document put together by their umbrella body – the Nigeria Governors’ Forum.
State governments have now been empowered under the Electricity Act 2023 to operate and regulate their own electricity markets outside the control of the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, an agency of the Federal Government.
The governors further described the IEDNs or distribution franchisee models as outdated models.
“The Independent Electricity Distribution Network and Distribution Franchisee models developed by NERC have not been effective, hence the need for SERCs (State Electricity Regulatory Commissions) to evolve new retail and supply licenses, and business and commercial models which would open the retail electricity space to new companies that would compete to address the poor power situation within their states,” the governors stated.
Former presidential aide, Reno Omokri, has shed light on the reasons President Bola Tinubu may not release the detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu.
This revelation follows a public appeal by Peter Obi, 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate, who called on President Tinubu to release Kanu and other freedom fighters in detention.
The former Anambra governor argued that there is no justification for Kanu’s continued detention, especially since the courts have ruled in his favour.
Responding to Obi’s plea, Reno Omokri in a tweet on Saturday night revealed that the gravity of Kanu’s alleged crimes is the primary reason for his continued detention.
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He wrote:
“Nnamdi Kanu made public broadcasts and statements to his supporters, ordering them to kill officers and men of the Nigerian armed forces.
“I have no problem with Peter Obi calling for Nnamdi Kanu’s release, but what about the troops and other service members who have lost their lives in the Southeast? How will they feel when a man with an ambition to be their Commander-in-Chief campaigns for the freedom of a man who called for their killings?
“There is no country on Earth where you will ask people to kill the nation’s military, police, and other service members, and it would not be considered treason.
“Given that after Kanu made those comments, perhaps over a hundred military, police, and paramilitary officers and men have been killed in the Southeast by unknown gunmen suspected to be members of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra, Peter Obi may have difficulties with the military if he calls for the release of Nnamdi Kanu without first addressing these killings of our service members.
“This is especially true after Peter Obi refused to condemn the killings of five soldiers on May 30, 2024, as IPOB celebrated the 57th anniversary of the declaration of the defunct rebel republic of Biafra less than a month ago. That is until heavy criticism made him issue a tepid statement after twenty-four hours. Where are Peter’s loyalties? Biafra or Nigeria?”
The history of Igbo-Yoruba relations is like a whirlpool turning around in a seemingly tempestuous fuse yet immovably held together by the same source of water.
To begin with the obvious, between the Igbo and Yoruba runs a strong force of mutual interactions at multifarious levels which are so deep and strong in socio-economic and religious circles that contest for political supremacy only represents a negligible fragment of disunity. For instance, it has remained a sustainable fact that the Igbo and Yoruba are more disposed to inter-ethnic marriages than both are respectively disposed to inter-marriage with the Fulani.
Records abound of inter-marriages between the Igbo and Yoruba with noticeable pomp and pageantry. Contrarily, it is difficult to ascertain any marriage between either the Igbo and Fulani or Yoruba and Fulani that is not greeted with initial inter-ethnic rancor much more greeted with pomp and pageantry.
On the spiritual angle, between the Igbo and Yoruba there appears to be no record of schism in Christianity based on ethnic identity, as it appears to be the case between the Yoruba and Fulani in Islam. If there is one aspect of Igbo-Yoruba relations in which the latter exhibit profound influence on the former it is Christianity.
Beyond the prominent historic roles of the likes of Bishops Ajayi Crowther and James Johnson in the planting of Christianity in Igboland, contemporary evidence tend to show a strong Igbo presence in such Yoruba-founded high-profile Pentecostal Churches as Deeper Life Ministries, Redeemed Christian Church of God, Winners Chapel and Mountain of Fire and Miracle Ministries. The same also applies in such Spiritualist Yoruba-founded Churches as the Cherubim and Seraphim and Celestial Church of Christ.
There is therefore a strong underlying spiritual attachment between the Igbo and Yoruba which has remained the gluing substance at the material base. And this spiritual attachment could only be traced to their primordial relationships which self-serving politicians have tended to avoid over time.
In dealing with this remote root of unity between the Igbo and Yoruba, four episodes in history readily come to mind. The first is based on common ethno-historical origins, which goes beyond the myths of Oduduwa coming from Saudi Arabia and the Igbo migrating from Israel. The second has to do with pre-colonial interactions between the Igbo and Yoruba that saw the planting of some Yoruba towns in Igboland. The third points to the pioneering roles of early Yoruba missionaries in Igboland which has earlier been mentioned. While the fourth is one aspect which most Igbo people would not like to mention–the Yoruba achievements as impetus for Igbo rise to prominence in educational and political development in Nigeria.
The Igbo have three theories of origin–– autochthony theory, Niger-Benue Confluence theory and Jewish origin theory. Out of these three theories two–– the first and second are remotely connected Yoruba origin. The first theory points to the claim that the Igbo as a group have continuously inhabited their present habitat for thousands of years before Christ. In other words, they did not migrate from anywhere. This theory is supported by a plethora of evidence from archaeological and allied disciplines. Adebisi Sowunmi in her research findings using palynology affirms that as far back as three thousand years ago, people had settled in this area called Igboland practicing agriculture.
Her position appears to have been strengthened by the appearance of supportive archaeological evidence from both Professors Thurstan Shaw and D. D. Hartle. Shaw’s monumental archaeological excavations at Igbo-Ukwu yielded in uncommon terms what could be described as the iconic evidence of Igbo cultural sophistication and antiquity of settlement. On his part Hartle’s multiple excavations speak of human activities that go deeper into Stone Age period. From the stated body of evidence above, it could therefore be assumed that the Igbo as a culture group might appear to be the oldest ethnic group to settle in the greater part of what is today defined as Southern Nigeria. This claim appears to be aptly supported by the traditions of Ife history–– the de facto citadel of the Yoruba cultural nation.
J. A. Atanda in his opinion agrees with the evidence of pre-Oduduwa settlers of the present Ile-Ife and its environs who might not have been Yoruba-Speaking. But it was indeed the work of Isola Olomola that actually revealed the identity of the pre-Oduduwa inhabitants of Ile-Ife to be Igbo autochthones. Basing his argument on Ife-Ikedu myth Olomola postulated that the present Ile-Ife was inhabited by a group of aborigines who had produced between 93 and 97 kings before the arrival of Oduduwa. He stated further that the original name of Ile-Ife was Igbo-Mokun and that the term ‘Ife’ came into currency during the reign of fourth Ooni of the Oduduwa dynasty–– Oranmiyan.
The term “Igbo-Mokun” no doubt goes further to reveal the Igbo character of the aborigines of Ife. But it was indeed in the third part of the Ikedu myth as explained by Olomola which is quoted at length that the fundamental elements of the evidence are embedded. As Olomola put it, ‘We are thus left with Igbo-mokun. This name has occurred in many folktales of the Eastern Yoruba and among the Ijesha and Ekiti.’ Quoting the Ikedu myth he went further to state, ‘The dawn is usually reserved for the most solemn assemblies because, as they say, the dawn belongs to the King of the Igbo.’ Quoting further Olomola stated:
In Ife tradition also, reference is made to ‘Kutukutu, Oba Igbo’, that is ‘Early morning, the King of Igbo’ In Ijesha and Ekiti, reference is made to ancient Ife as ‘Igbomokun Akiri’ and, as the aforementioned reference to dawn shows, the people are known as Igbo. Even in Ife tradition the people are referred as Igbo…the wars of vengeance they fought against the new dynasty and the city are referred to as ‘Igbo raids’.
Biodun Adeniran also tries in his own account to establish the Igbo character of Ife through the rituals of the economy of the aborigines basing his argument on the culture of palm-wine tapping, introduction of yam cultivation in Yorubaland and the presence of age-grade system among the people. Making reference to one of the thirteen original settlements of the present Ife Ijugbe, Adeniran wrote:
Each quarter was headed by a priest king (Elejugbe/Obalejude) and it appeared there was division of labour based strictly on the age-grade system. In the settlement, there was a hierarchy of chiefs. The economic basis of this hierarchy may be founded in the names Eteko (farm founder) or Orisateko and Akosuu l’Ogbe (producer of yam in the dry season). The priest king was said among other things, to be in-charge of rain, to have introduced yam seeding into Ife and to have been a palm-wine tapper.
Thus given the ritualized status of yam cultivation, the institutionalization of the age-grade system and the fundamental spiritual roles of the Priest-king (Eze-Ana) among the Igbo, it becomes historically convincing to agree with Olomola that the original settlers of not just Ile-Ife and its environs but much of the eastern Yorubaland were aboriginal Igbo by remote ethnic extraction. This may further explain why the average Igbo feels more at home in any part of Yorubaland than among any other ethnic group in Nigeria. This also explains why Igbo-Yoruba conflicts has never degenerated to the level of senseless spilling of innocent blood as it has always been the case with the Hausa and Fulani.
Again, does this Igbo connection not explain why it is among the Ijebu sub-group of the Yoruba–the closest Yoruba sub -group to the Igbo in orientation that its ancestral city is Known as ‘Igbo’ bearing in mind that the addition of Ijebu as in the cases of Ijebu Ode and Ijebu Remo was a colonial creation? Although some scholars might attempt to disagree with this logic of history perching on the logic of the Yoruba word ‘Igbo’ to mean forest. But then if we decide to come to term with this logic of forest to mean Igbo, how do we then explain the fact that the title of the Oba of Ijebu Remo, one of the many Ijebu towns that trace their origins to Ile-Ife is Akari-Igbo?
This may therefore explain why Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo never agreed in political terms. For it could not have been so much the case of ethnic rivalry as it could indeed have been a case of two ‘Igbo’ captains not agreeing to be in the same political ship. The fact is that within a given time and space, to other Yoruba sub-groups, the Ijebu represents the Igbo mind in Yoruba clothing. In other words, what the wider Yoruba groups accuse the Igbo of today represents the same reason why the Ijebu are resisted by the same Yoruba–– shrewdness in commerce and astuteness in business. Indeed what the Igbo did was to inherit this pre-Igbo stigmatization of the Ijebu once the latter became dominant in commerce.
A.O. Adesoji clearly explains the pivotal nature of Oduduwa’s role in Yoruba history thus.
The arrival of Oduduwa in Ile-Ife can be interpreted as the period of revolution in the Yoruba history. It would also appear that the advent of Oduduwa represented the emergence of a new dynasty in lIe-Ife and the unification of the autochthonous peoples who hitherto were scattered and non-unified. It can therefore be concluded that the coming of Oduduwa rather than being seen as the beginning of a race can be interpreted as epochal revolution which symbolized the beginning of the consciousness of the Yoruba as a people.
But it was the later revelations of the Ooni of Ife Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi that finally broke the sacred parrot egg over the common historical origins of the Igbo and Yoruba. Addressing the Lagos State Chapter President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Solomon Ogbonna, the Yoruba traditional potentate stated at length:
Lagos is part of Yoruba land, we are all one, we are all the same. The history is there, the facts are there, and we should actually put these facts out. Why are we fighting? This is your root. I said it recently, some of our Yoruba kinsmen with ignorance of our history came out with nugatory beratement of my position on the family ties between Yoruba and Igbo people. We have to say the truth and the truth must set us all free, we are blood brothers. We should be inseparable. Please feel at home in Yorubaland and respect your Yoruba brothers and sisters too. We still have House of Igbo right in this palace till date. We call it Ile Igbo up till now. Our ancestors are buried and transfigured there. That is where kolanut was first discovered and nurtured. The Igbos are still the biggest consumers and users of kolanut which is only planted in Yorubaland till date. Can the Igbos do without kolanut? The ancient Igbo house is one of the most sacred places in this palace till date. One of my brother kings – Aka Arogundabi from Iremo quarters saw the mysteries of house of Igbo (Aka-ri-Igbo). Till date, Akarigbo of Remoland still sees house of Igbo as a common heritage of his forebears.
Based on the foregoing revelations, particularly in the light of the aboriginal Ife thesis, could it therefore be rightly hazarded to say that among most Yoruba people today run substantial pints of Igbo blood? However for those who are yet to be convinced of the veracity of this strand of primordial Igbo-Yoruba relations, a short intellectual promenade to the realms of Niger-Benue Confluence theory may suffice.
The Niger-Benue Confluence theory states that at one point in the remote past a group of people who G. A. Krause in1885 defined as the Kwa, lived as one people spea king one language in the region of the present confluence of the Niger and Benue River. According to Joseph Greenberg this group include, in the present Nigeria, Igbo, Idoma, Edo, Yoruba, Nupe, Igala, Gwari, Igbira, Bassa, Egede and Igbira among others.
It is believed that with time this kwa-speaking people began to disperse and eventually settled in their present respective locations. And as they dispersed and eventually separated from the other, they began by reason of distance to evolve distinct dialects of the kwa language, which with time gradually evolved into distinct languages. This theory no doubt appears to agree with the existence of diverse Igbo dialects, some of which are slightly unintelligible to the other Igbo sub-groups. In determining the relative age of these languages or better still the point at which each separated from the other, ethno-linguists apply what we call glotto-chronology and lexico-statistics. This calculation according to Greenberg:
Is based on the common sense notion that when dialects have developed in the languages, the more recent the date of separation the greater the resemblance. The percentage of common retention of original words in a standard vocabulary list is used as the measure of this resemblance. This is translated into an absolute chronology on the basis of the rate of change in this list observed in areas such as the Near East and Europe where there are written records.
By means of glotto-chronology and lexico-statistics both historians and linguists are able to determine the approximate age of a given language. Thus through glotto-chronology and lexico-statistics the Igbo and Yoruba are said to have separated from the other about six thousand years ago, the Edo from the Igbo about three thousand five hundred years ago, the Igala from the Yoruba about two thousand years ago and the Itsekiri from the Yoruba a thousand and five hundred years ago.
One can go further to explain these divergences from several dimensions. First is the existence of common root words in their vocabularies. This is explained by some words among the Igbo, Edo and Yoruba which convey similar sounds and meanings. Example is the word for mouth which in Igbo is pronounced onu, in Edo and Yoruba enu. The generalized word for stone in Igbo– okwute is the same with Yoruba okwute. This is also the same in the case of the word for banana and plantain which is ogede among both peoples. Thus just as the Igbo would say onye-ogede (plantain or banana seller), the Yoruba would say oyi-ogede. There is therefore no denial of the fact that Igbo and Yoruba languages have the same root in origin which by similar logic points the two peoples to common remote ancestors.
That the Igbo and Yoruba arising from their common remote ancestral roots are amenable to mutual tolerance is further expressed by evidence of pre-colonial interactions between them. Both the integrating forces of the imperial reaches of the old Benin Empire and the artery of commercial communications provided by the River Niger through the Igbo commercial links with the Igala, Igbira and Nupe particularly with the proximity of Yorubaland to the present Confluence town of Lokoja, were the linking forces of pre-colonial contacts between the Igbo and Yoruba.
But of most profound interest in this pre-Nigeria contact is the presence of six Yoruba towns among the Igbo of the West Niger collectively known as Odiani Clan or Olukwumi, whose indigenous language has remained for centuries Yoruba. These towns include Ukwunzu, Ugbodu, Ugboba, Ubulubu, Idumuogo and Ogodo, all belonging to Aniocha North Local Government Area of the present Delta State. Confirming the historicity of this tradition, His Lordship Justice AYO GABRIEL IRIKEFE – Justice of the Supreme Court in his lead judgment in SUIT NO: SC.85/1982 affirmed thus:
The traditional evidence produced at the hearing shows that the two communities in this case came into existence as the result of migrations by people either from the ancient Kingdom of Benin direct or from AKURE or IFE in the YORUBA Kingdom through Benin. The respondents herein come under the category of those who came from Benin while the appellants represent the second group. While the Benin immigrants now have Ibo as their sole language, the YORUBA immigrants speak both YORUBA and Ibo. There is evidence that the descendants of the YORUBA immigrants refer to themselves as well as their own brand of YORUBA dialect as OLUKUMI. The OLUKUMI settlements as revealed by the evidence are: UKWUNZU, UGBODU, UGBOBA, UBULUBU, OGODO and IDUMUOGO.
Thus the commonplace notion that the Igbo and Yoruba only came into contact with the advent of colonialism therefore fails in this argument. Talking of large-scale contact yes, as it was equally the case between the various Igbo and Yoruba communities, but not necessarily the case of a concrete wall of separation.
On the two other factors, mention has already been made of the historic roles of Yoruba missionaries who were the pioneer Protestant Christian Missionaries to Igboland particularly as represented by Bishops Samuel Ajayi Crowder and James ‘Holy’ Johnson. The excellent works of Professors E. A. Ayandele and F. K. Ekechi are sources of proven evidence in this regard. Furthermore Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s impression of Francis Adebayo Alaba as a profound source of inspiration clearly underscores the fact that the Yoruba as a people were a great source of inspiration for the Igbo during the colonial days. This is a fact which most Igbo commentators and scholars would always attempt to shy away from but which cannot be denied by the facts of history.
Conclusion
From the foregoing, there is no doubt that Igbo-Yoruba relations transcend the dominant theme of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria which is founded on the shifting-sand political contest and rivalry. In other words, there are more common grounds founded on historical and cultural commonalities that present the basis of mutual understanding between the two groups within the different levels of contact than the mere contest for political power, which is merely a superstructural manipulation of the few but dominant political elites of both ethnic divides. In other words, at the material base level, both groups interact with passionate conviviality at different facets of life. This explains why there hasn’t been any large-scale conflict between them, as in the cases of conflicts respectively between the two and Hausa and Fulani. This reason for this non-violent dispositions of the two peoples toward the other is no doubt as a result of the various forces that underscore the primordial bases of their relationship which are wont to act as soothing balms in any form of conflict.
Historically, there had never been any conflict between the Igbo and Yoruba with a sharp dividing ethnic line without dissenters on both sides. In another way, in spite of the apparently sharp political divide between Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo there had always been Igbo supporters of Awolowo and Yoruba supporters of Azikiwe, a feature that never occurred respectively between the Hausa and Fulani on the one side and the Igbo and Yoruba respectively on the other. Mention may be made in this regard with the exception of the 1979 UPN Senatorial victory in the defunct Sokoto State, but which indeed came as a result of the massive votes of the dominant Christian Zuru Emirate in the present Kebbi State.
It is also within the reach of our historical records that what obtains in the present day as the basis of conflict between the Igbo and Yoruba is still current as the basis of intra-Yoruba and intra-Igbo conflicts. The culture of resentment against the commercially-minded and more successful Ijebu businessmen by the other Yoruba sub-groups is replayed in the same melodramatic resentment of the more commercially-oriented and business-minded Anambra indigene by his other Igbo counterparts. The same scenario equally compares the incessant resentment of the Igbo in Lagos with the same culture of resentment of the non-indigenes of Onitsha, Enugu and Owerri by the respective indigenes.
One is wont to state in a quite theoretical parlance that the Igbo and Yoruba by virtue of their inherent primordial soothing balm of historical connectivity stand out as the most functional vehicle of national integration. Without prejudice to the present seemingly faltering political marriage between the Hausa and Fulani ethnic coalition and Yoruba, the facts speak for themselves, that any political matrimony between the Yoruba and Fulani ethnic coalition is a relationship that is not built on a strong foundation of mutual historical conviviality, and thus only rests on a shifting sand of time.
In other words, the Yoruba political sojourn in the present APC is like the saying among the Igbo, to use the West Niger Igbo dialect, O ji azu baa oshia e jetaho aka (a person who enters the bush with his back does not often go far). Indeed the Yoruba in APC is like one who enters the bush with his back and thus did not go far. It will not therefore be long before they realize the fortuitous character of their sojourn. And when they eventually come out, the thesis will then stand that, the worst Yoruba enemy to the Igbo or the worst Igbo enemy to the Yoruba is better in the long run than their bes Fulani friend
Having resolved to leave the town the following day, I immediately requested Brother Nnamdi to call Mr. Jude Sawyer to come over to the house of my Diokpa for urgent information regarding my problem. Mr. Jude Sawyer who hails from the neighboring town of Okpanam had been acting as my Personal Assistant since my time as Director of the Centre for Igbo Studies, University of Nigeria Nsukka to join me as my assistant. Till that moment Jude never knew I was still alive.
When he arrived, he was surprised to see me, exclaiming, “Oga so you are still alive! Thank God.” Without wasting time I informed him that he would be escorting me to Warri the next day by night, to which he nodded in affirmation. I then requested him to secure a taxi cab on charter which would take us directly to Warri. We agreed that the taxi would pick me up at the present site of Admiralty University along Ibusa-Ogwashi-Uku road by 7:30 pm.
Indeed when I decided to leave my hideout in my town in search of alternative place of refuge, I never had Cameroon in mind. My plan was to get to Warri and from there link up with Burutu Sea Port and then seek escape to Ghana with the aid of a fishing boat. The plan however changed when we got to the East-West Patani-Ughelli-Warri Expressway junction late in the Night and the driver said he was no longer moving beyond that point. Thereafter I decided to adopt alternative destinations. These alternatives turned out to be either Chief Edwin Clarke— the renowned Niger Delta leader, or King Tom Atake— the Okrika Niger Delta militant leader-turned traditional ruler. At the end I settled for the latter because of the likely more security assurance.
Thus on Wednesday May 30, 2018, I put a few pair of trousers and shirts in my small traveling suitcase in preparation for my journey into the unknown. As planned, I had to move out of my village under the cover of the night with Uncle Okouwai Nwanze dropping me off in his Mercedes Benz car to the agreed point where the chartered taxi cab in the company of Mr. Jude Sawyer would pick me up to avoid the prying eyes of my kinsmen. By 7:30 pm I was ushered into the car and off I was driven to the designated point.
I knew right from time that the over one thousand telephone contact numbers in my phone were already under automatic data alert by the DSS. And so when my uncle Sir Okouwai Nwanze who was taking me out in his car to the location where I would be transferred to the chartered cab began to make constant calls with Jude over his delays in coming with the cab I knew my movement had been leaked to the DSS.
When I notified uncle Okouwai of the dangers of such frequent calls with android phones given my previous experiences, he could not understand, and insisted it was not possible. Well, I was powerless to enforce my diktat on him so I let him had his way. I however concluded in my mind that my movement has been breached. Consequently, when we proceeded with the journey I instructed Jude to remove the battery from his android phone, which he did. But it was impossible to command the cab driver to do so. So I knew I was being traced right from the moment we left my home-town Ibusa.
At Ozoro, the cab driver informed us that he was no longer going further and that we should pass the night there and proceed with the journey early the following morning. I responded with stern opposition with threats reminiscent of my old self but which inside me I knew was no longer there. Fortunately, he caved in and decided instead to drop us at Ughelli East-West Express Junction and not Warri as originally planned.
When we got to the East-West junction where we were expected to board another vehicle to Warri, it was already 11 pm with no vehicle commuting to Warri available. The only vehicle available was a mini-Nisan Bus traveling to Yenegoa, Bayelsa State. So we decided to join it with the plan of stopping at the junction linking Kiagbodo, Chief Edwin Clark’s town with the further intention of linking up with him. However, as we proceeded with the journey we discovered it was impossible to disembark at the junction at that dead time of the night. So we decided to move straight to the final destination of the bus which was Yenegoa, and thereafter to Port Harcourt, this time with King Tom Atake in mind.
Meanwhile, at the time we arrived at the Ughelli Junction of the East-West road, the location was virtually deserted and scanty with people, enough for my proper observation of the environment with keen sense of security. I was walking with a pair of clutches so it was easy for anybody to identify me among the crowd. Right at the junction I noticed a parked SUV some distance away from where we dropped. As soon as we pulled to a halt, I noticed it pulled up slowly towards us. I noticed also that it was only the driver that was inside. As I watched further I noticed the driver watching me steadily and almost at the same time glancing at his phone. He waited until we had entered the Yenegoa-bound commuter bus before driving off.
We arrived at Yenegoa some minutes past midnight without any definite place to sleep. We then waited till all the other passengers had disembarked and I told the driver my mission and begged him to drop us at one of the open drinking joints in the park. He advised against it and instead opted to drop us at a convenient point off the attention of the Policemen who were already approaching us for interrogation.
Thus without waiting for the Policeman who had already approached us to ask any question, he zoomed off from the scene and dropped us just at the point where some members of the Christ Chosen Church were having an All-Night prayer session. We immediately joined them to their great delight. We prayed with them some few hours after which we all went to sleep in the same venue.
In the morning just before daybreak we joined a Port Harcourt bound bus, from where we linked up to Okrika hometown of Atake Tom. Amayanabo Atake Tom as his traditional title goes was not just a notable militant-turned traditional ruler, but equally the Chief of Staff to the Governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike then. Arriving early in the morning, we checked into a hotel situated in one of the adjoining small islands. After cleaning up, we decided to take a nap, thereafter we had our breakfast in one of the local restaurants not far from the hotel.
Having temporarily refreshed ourselves, we decided to venture into the town to locate King Atake Tom. Quite unfortunately, our visit coincided with the day he was celebrating his birthday—Thursday May 31, 2018. We met his Palace with beehive of activities, thus making any contact with him impossible. I was momentarily in a state of quagmire; not knowing what line of action I would take thereafter. Although I eventually succeeded in booking an appointment with him through one of his Personal Assistants the following week, the possibility of my staying there till next week was not there.
It was at that point that a young man with whom we were interacting hinted us of the possibility of travelling to Cameroon and Gabon by sea through Oron and Eket. I did not wish him to elaborate on the two possibilities since that might betray my already heightened anxiety. As we departed back to our hotel, I began to brood over the idea of venturing into that chance of refuge without my companion being aware. When we arrived at the hotel, we rested a while and moved to the reception to chat with the two beautiful receptionists who were equally very enthusiastic to chat with us. Thereafter we decided to explore the small island.
I had established an emergency friendship with one of the receptionists in the course of chatting, and within that short moment she had become incredibly familiar with me. So when we came back towards the evening I went to chat with her almost at the same moment, forgetting my predicament and unconsciously constructing incomprehensible lustful mindset towards her. It was in the process of this second round of amorous chatting that she unwittingly informed me that two men came to the hotel during our absence to enquire of our true identity. She went further to ask if I was really a High Traditional Chief, looking at me at the same time with disapproving surprise. I nodded in affirmation and soon began to sense dangers around me.
Without asking for details, I managed to tactfully end the discussion. Shortly afterwards I requested Jude to escort me to the other end of the village to make enquiries about our next move the following morning. It was then getting late in the evening. As we entered the town, I began to look out for a very local and unsuspecting hotel or Guest House. We had checked into a relatively medium standard hotel, and so I felt I needed a lower standard one to conceal my whereabouts in the night without suspicion. As soon as we saw one, we entered to make enquiries. Jude could not understand why I should be making enquiries for another hotel room when we still had one which was relatively comfortable.
As soon as we got one, I immediately paid and informed Jude without reason that I would be sleeping there for the night. He said: “But Oga that one is better than this.” I told him that he should not worry and that he should go there and sleep for the night after which I would come to him in the morning. I further told him that in case he failed to see me before 8 am he should take my bag and return home. I then gave him enough money that would transport him direct from that point to Asaba and then my home-town. He was just looking at me all the while wondering what I was up to.
After some minutes of discussion I told him to go and sleep and wait for me as instructed. I had only the clothes I was putting on, my international passport, some money, and my pair of clutches as my only possessions. As soon as he left I went back to bed ever apprehensive of a possible swoop by DSS agents. Indeed I could not remember ever sleeping for more than thirty minutes at a time during that tension-packed night, which resulted to three frightful dreams. These three episodic dreams not only defined the course of survival in the ensuing wilderness experience but revealed my tenacious attachment to my ancestral heirloom.
In the first episode, I dreamt where I was presented a dish of cassava fufu and pumpkin leaf soup (Akpu na ofe ugu). As I moved to eat it, a loud voice came from somewhere and warned me in a commanding voice that I should avoid that dish for the sake of my son. This was followed shortly with another dream where I was shown some raw cassava roots with fresh pumpkin leaves; with the same voice warning me again to take pumpkin leaf as a taboo the same way I took cassava.
As Odogwu of Ibusa I was commanded immediately after my initiation rites to regard every food product of cassava as taboo. The case of pumpkin leaves only came lately and only through a friend. Indeed I am implored take as taboo anything taken as such by the traditional priests (Ohene) of Oboshi and Iyi-Oji. The significance of those warnings clearly underscored the obvious intervention of our Mother-Deity Oboshi in the course of my experience, just as Mother-Deity Iyi-Oji had earlier warned me against the intrusive woman.
The third and last dream and indeed the most eventful to my eventual survival occurred shortly before I woke up to proceed to Uyo Motor Park for onward travel to Oron. In that dream I saw myself fleeing to a local apartment of about three rooms used as a Guest House, with an elderly man in charge. When I entered the guest House I met several little children with their mother equally booked as guests. I was a bit disturbed by their presence and complained to the proprietor that I would find it difficult to sleep there in the light of lack of adequate space. He however convinced me to take a separate room, which I accepted reluctantly but later decided to leave the place for lack of security.
As I step out of the building I saw Prof James Okoro Ijoma rushed to me and held me tightly on my waist without the slightest chance of escape. I was powerless and totally demobilized physically. For the first time in my life I saw myself momentarily pleading for mercy, but it was not heeded. I was taken to a nearby bush where one of the men with Professor Ijoma drew out a matchet to cut me. As I got hold of the matchet I saw dark blood splash out. The next moment I woke up.
Prof James Okoro Ijoma who hails from Arochukwu was not just my teacher at the Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, but my mentor who indeed laid the foundation for my academic profession. He took over the supervision of both my bachelor’s degree research project report, and my master’s dissertation when I had strong disagreements with my original supervisor, Prof Peter Esedebe from my hometown over what I considered as an attempt to force me into writing distorted facts of history outside my research findings. Prof Ijoma was also instrumental to my first appointment in the School of General Studies, as a lecturer in 1994.
However, from father and son relationship we soon degenerated into adversaries following my open support for our once embattled Vice Chancellor Professor Oleka Udeala, whom Prof Ijoma’s Aro clique through his predecessor Prof Chimere Ikoku had propelled to that position with the hope of playing what Nyesom Wike is attempting to play on Governor Sim Fubara of Rivers State today. It should be recalled that Prof Udeala was later removed as Vice Chancellor by General Sani Abacha regime through the instigation of the Aro clique who had Mazi S. G. Ikoku, elder brother to Udeala’s mentor and predecessor, as Deputy Chairman of General Abacha’s Transition National Council.
After my election as the factional ASUU-UNN Branch Secretary in support of Prof Udeala, Prof Ijoma invited me to his office where he sternly warned me to stop supporting Prof Udeala or I would face the consequences. When I asked him for the reason, he said the man was stubborn and was not willing to take instructions. Then I said but the man is your brother from Abia State; and he retorted by asking if I was the one to tell him who should be his brother. I told him, well sir, I don’t think that was enough for me to stop supporting Prof Udeala. He said okay, I would see. Then I left his office.
From that moment, he drew his claws out against me, starting from our Department where he opposed my promotion for three consecutive years. He was the mastermind of the five arrests and detentions by the security agencies and subsequent arraignments in court for unproven criminal offences, of which arson was one, during General Abacha’s regime and after, of which I was acquitted of all. It was indeed in the midst of this assault that I found myself blackmailed as anti-Abacha Military Junta critic and subsequently detained for three months at Police State Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Cell One, Enugu. I was later dismissed from the University on April 30, 1999.
The second episode occupied during my second coming in the University, after I was recalled under the democratically elected Government of President Olusegun Obasanjo. During the International Conference on the Fifty Years Anniversary of Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart help at Owerri in 2008, as one of the notable speakers groomed and invited by Professor Adiele Afigbo I advanced the historical concept of Re-Visiting the Reparation Question Through the Roles of Internal African Collaborators in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade.”
In the paper, I asserted that the Aro Slave middlemen merchants, of which Professor Ijoma’s ancestors were prominent, should pay reparations to the Igbo before we could advance the payment of such by the European merchants. This was because the latter never ventured into the interior Sub-Saharan Africa to source for their human cargo, but were supplied the human cargoe by African native middlemen of which the Aro were the leading agents.
In other words, if the Black African slave merchants did not bring their kinsmen to the Atlantic Coast for the Europeans to purchase, the Europeans should not have entered the interior to purchase them; and then there would not have been any Atlantic Slave Trade. The paper was widely reported on Nigerian news media leading to a protest news conference against me by the Arochukwu Council of Chiefs, of which Professor Ijoma was a part.
Thus it was obvious that Prof Ijoma might have been in collaboration with the Federal Government to eliminate me for that reason. Indeed my former Aro-born fiancée Miss Blessing Emenike was once instructed by Professor Ijoma to warn me against further advancing the said notion of Aro paying reparations to the Igbo. I never knew she was Aro since she claims Alayi in Bende Local Government Area as her hometown, until she made me to understand so following the warning from Prof Ijoma.
Meanwhile having made enquiries with the male receptionist of the local Guest House on the means of traveling to Oron who accordingly directed to Uyo Motor Park, I knew my next destination the following morning. So early in the morning, just at the first sign of commercial traffic movements, I stepped out of the hotel and boarded a commercial tricycle to the point where I could get transportation to the Park. Based on the travel advice, I would take a direct transportation to Uyo, from where I would take another to Oron; one of the two designated points of sailing across the Atlantic Ocean to either Gabon or Cameroon through the Bakassi Peninsular. By moving very early in the morning I had the motive of beating any security agent that could be sent out to track me down.
When I got to the park which was almost at the eastern outskirts of Port Harcourt, I was again advised to board Uyo-bound commuter bus from where I could then connect to Oron. I heeded the advice without hesitation and quick chose a Toyota Sienna Sedan for better security concealment. With the help of the driver I carefully tucked my pair of clutches— my major outward identity under the seat of the vehicle out of the view of the prying eyes of the likely marauding DSS agents.
Having been with the DSS before when it was known as SSS as an auxiliary agent during my National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) and even after, I could easily discern anyone of them amongst the crowd by their uncommon cosmetic comportment in the public spaces. Indeed not long after settling down in the vehicle I noticed a man bearing the appearance of a DSS agent hovering around the park without a definite outward motive of either being a traveler or one of the motor transport workers in the park.
I nodded with uneasy caution and sat calmly on my seat without the slightest thought of getting down; and with intermittent side but cautious gaze at him, I diligently monitored his movement within the Park till we left the scene. On getting to Uyo I boarded another vehicle that eventually took me to Oron. Arriving Oron at late afternoon, I immediately located the loading beach where outboard engine boats transport people to Limbe, Southwest Region of Cameroon. I was informed that the beach for Gabon was located somewhere else and that transportation to Gabon only takes every four days.
The Precarious Crossing of Bakassi Peninsular From Oron-Nigeria to Limbe-Cameroon
When I arrived at the scene of take-off and discovered that the man who first confronted me— one Mr. Ernest was an Aro as he introduced himself, what flashed back in my mind was Professor Ijoma and the dream. He promptly promised to help me arrange for my travel to Gabon that same day of my arrival. After taking me to an unknown house, he informed me that the boat to Gabon would not be available that day and, proceeded to direct me to where I would get accommodation at the cost of one thousand naira per night. That turned out to be Minatus Aghas’ office apartment which is partly used as a Guest House for those transiting to and fro Limbe.
When I got there, I saw the scene in my dream replayed with a slight difference. I saw a Muslim woman with her kids, and I saw Minatus Aghas telling me to choose another room if I did not want to stay close to the woman and her little kids. Minatus informed me in the presence of Mr. Ernest that Mr. Ernest was a repented armed robber who had decided to give his life back to God.
I was later informed by Ernest that he was expecting two other passengers from Calabar who were equally traveling to Gabon. When the two young men arrived, my assessment of them was that of hardened hired-killers commissioned to do away with me. They never sat down for a moment but were all the while either standing or moving around restively and seemed to be anxiously watching over me. Meanwhile, not only that Mr. Ernest did not formally introduce me to the two young men, he told me not to tell anybody of his plan to help me for the Gabon trip.
I knew by then that I was in danger and must act quickly to nullify that ominous dream which was replaying itself right before my eyes. I had noted Mr. Minatus Aghas who introduced himself to me as an indigene of Imo State as a devoted Roman Catholic with the insignia of the Rosary and Mary Mother of Jesus Christ displayed boldly in the waiting room. I then approached him and informed him that I would like his Parish Priest to pray for me before I engage on the journey.
He promptly agreed and decided to contact on telephone the Parish Priest— the Very Rev. Fr. Charles Eking of Roman Catholic Church, Oron— a very fine gentleman with the calmness in mind characteristic of a true devotee of Christ’s vineyard with the full unction of the Holy Spirit. His unequivocal charismatic priestly carriage radiated a spiritual adventurism in the vineyard of Christ profoundly defined more by divine inspiration than by personal vocation.
Unfortunately the Reverend Father informed him that he was away from the town for a wedding ceremony somewhere and asked if he could pray for me on phone. I said I was willing to wait for him till he comes back any time, to which he agreed. That singular decision became my saving grace of the moment. So Mr. Minatus agreed to take me to the Parish Priest immediately after his duties. So I waited till after 6 pm when he had completed all the processes of closure for the day.
In fact, Ernest was enraged when he discovered that I had informed Mr. Minatus Aghas of my predicament after having earlier informed me to keep our deal private to both of us without the knowledge of a third party; as if he was communicating to a little. But I assured him that I would be coming back to sleep at the Guest House after my appointment with the Priest. And to prove the seriousness of my promise, I decided to leave behind one of my pair of clutches. As I stepped out of the house I could notice the two young men dishing out horrible signs of disapproval to Minatus Aghas to which he was neither aware of nor willing to heed to. He never responded or took note of them.
By the time we got to the Church it was getting to the point of twilight and still the Priest had not returned. We decided to wait in the Church till the Priest arrived. On arrival, after formal introduction by Minatus he quickly called me inside his office where I narrated my ordeal and requested him to accommodate me for the night in addition to linking me up to any local Oron travelling agent to help me cross over to Cameroon. I specifically pleaded with him that I did not want any assistance from any Igbo man, given the on-going threat from Mr. Ernest.
He promptly agreed and drove me together with Minatus to the home of a local Oron Chief who promised to help me the following day. Meanwhile Ernest had been disturbing Minatus with incessant calls requesting him to bring me back to the Beach for the spurious Gabon trip, until I told him to inform him that I was no longer interested. But he was not yet done with me. The Priest that same night with Mr. Minatus Aghas took me in his Honda Accord to an Oron Chief who promised to help me. I was eventually taken by the Priest to his house where I was served a delicious dish of yam and stew and consequently fell asleep.
Early in the morning being Saturday June 2, 2018, after the Priest had gone to the Morning Mass living me behind, I discovered some strange voices and movements in and outside the house. I discovered that the Deacon— the ordained but yet to be confirmed Priest was in the house with me and did not go to the Morning Mass with the Priest and the house-boy. I listened with great apprehension as he struggled from one end of the house to the other to open the door for the men outside, who from all indications had come to kill me.
Thank God that the Priest locked every entrance to the house with keys and left with them. After about thirty minutes of fruitless attempts to open the door, I heard a call outside echoing “Pascal! Pascal! Let’s go. From that moment the movements ceased, but I was still hiding behind the large deep-freezer in the room, until Mr. Minatus entered the room and called me out from my hiding place. I was later again served a breakfast of fried egg, tea, and bread to which I descended with ravenous delight.
Late in the afternoon both the Priest and Minatus rushed into my room and told me to get ready for the trip immediately. I was hurriedly served a dish of Eba (Garri) and Ogbono soup. But because of the taboo restricting my consumption of cassava, especially the dream-driven stern warning, I only managed to lick the delicious Ogbono soup. The Priest had earlier apologized that he nearly forgot I was in his house.
In my desperation I forgot to put on my sandals which were left behind in the Priest’s house, and strikingly became a reminder of his unequalled benevolence towards me. I was taken through a narrow bush path leading to the private Beach of the Oron Chief whose house I visited the previous night with the Priest. There I was rejected by the first passenger boat that was contacted, because of my inability to help myself into the boat, because I needed to be lifted into the boat.
That rejection immediately developed temporary trauma in me since it was like every plan of my escape had come to an end. But I was implored to exercise patience since there was yet another opportunity. Not long after, another outboard engine boat with only two people on board loaded with drums of diesel arrived. I was subsequently lifted into the boat and put on top of the drums of diesel since there was no space for sitting passengers. Immediately I was put into the boat, we zoomed off; that was around 3 pm on Saturday June 2, 2018.
Travelling with an out-board engine fiber boat loaded with nine and a half drums of diesel through the famous Bakassi Peninsular was as memorable as it was seemingly suicidal. At one moment we saw ourselves entering into isolated creeks with overgrown Aquarian fauna and, in another moment we saw ourselves stopping mid-sea with the out-board engine switched off all in the bid to dodge patrolling Nigerian Naval officers. This was even after we had paid the illegal duty at an obscure toll point in a creek off the main course of the Peninsular.
I was highly agitated with the constant maneuvering in and out of the isolated creeks. At one point they threatened to throw me into the sea if I made any further comment. I therefore decided to keep my mouth shut since frankly speaking, as I thought in my mind, it takes a man beyond the comprehension of normality to engage on that type of journey without the thought of the risks involved. Indeed I became a bit relaxed when we eventually entered the main Atlantic Ocean and subsequently began to confront the more friendly Cameroonian Naval officers on patrol who often signaled us to move ahead.
Finally I was landed at an obscure and indeed illegal port at Limbe at about 10 pm after more than seven hours journey on Bakassi Peninsula. Since I could not help myself out of the boat, it took two men to lift me out of the boat. On being placed formally on the land of Republic of Cameroon, I hived a momentary sigh of relief. Thereafter I demanded for any Nigerian within the neighborhood, but I was informed that it was difficult at that period of the night to locate anyone because of the subsisting curfew arising from the Anglophone-based Ambazonian insurgency.
Thereafter one of the cab drivers agreed to take me to a nearby town called Batoke where he knew many Nigerians. I had only ten thousand francs with me and the man insisted that I must pay him the sum of seven thousand francs. All pleadings for the reduction of the fare failed. I had no alternative than to follow him, especially since the people around were advising me to go with him in order to save me from possible Police arrest. I eventually boarded the taxi and proceeded on my journey from Limbe to the nearby Batoke town.
From Batoke Back to Limbe and Limbe to Yaounde through Boua Safe-Corridor
On landing at some distance inside the town, the cab driver pointed to a building and told me that was where I would get a Nigerian and asked me to step out of the car to enable him park properly so as to enable him escort me to the place. But as soon as I got down, the man reversed the car and zoomed off.
I was left bared-footed standing on the middle of the road mopping like a confused tethered goat abandoned by its owner, not knowing what next to do. I had left my foot-wear behind at the Rev. Father’s house in Oron in the course of my desperate escape. Similarly I had abandoned one of my pair of clutches at the sea-side port office of Minatus Aghas to conceal my bid to escape from the planned onslaught by those sent by the DSS under the auspices of the Arochukwu-born Ernest. Thus standing with the aid of a clutch and with no footwear on the lonely unknown stony street of Batoke, I began to contemplate what next to do.
After standing helplessly at the center of the road, I saw a glittering light at the other side of the road from a kitchen. I then made a move towards the direction. But I had to cross a little elevated terrain roughened with stones which were so painful that I nearly fell down, safe for the timely intervention of two unknown young boys who quickly help me up and subsequently aided me up the stony terrain towards the kitchen. On arrival and seeing me in a state of distress the women immediately gave me the pair of slippers she was putting on.
And consequent upon my request, she directed the two boys— one of them claimed to be of a Nigerian father who abandoned him, to take me to the house of a Nigerian close by. When we got there I discovered that the man was from Akwa Ibom State and not Igbo. He explained to me in a clear sympathetic manner why it was impossible for him to accommodate me that night, citing inadequate space to which I agreed with him, for the man was living in a make-shift one living-room with a narrow sitting-room constructed with bamboo sticks. He however directed me to another Nigerian who turned out again to be his kinsman from Akwa Ibom State.
Although the second man lived in a more normal apartment constructed with cement blocks, there were however no space for an intruding unknown visitor like me, given the riotous nature of the environment created by the sprawling number of little children and multiple dogs and their little puppies all struggling for convenient spaces. He however promised to link me up with the Chairman of Nigerian Community there. He tried several times to contact him on phone but he could not. He then instructed the boys to take me to the man’s house which was some distance away from there.
But the two young men advised that it was already too late to go there. Then the question became where would I sleep till the following morning? They suggested that we go back to the house where the woman gave me the pair of slippers and speak to the landlord. When we got there and I tried to explain in all honesty my circumstances, the man was not willing to listen to me but instead ordered us out of his house. It was then that the two young boys suggested that we try their Pastor who was living a stone-throw from the place we were.
When we eventually met the Pastor whose name is Pastor Dickson Hoe it was an uphill task convincing him to accommodate me for the reason of the Government order that information regarding the presence of any foreigner in the community must be relayed to the security agencies. At a point he opted that I should sleep outside his house. It was at that point I got so infuriated with what I thought was an unchristian attitude from a supposedly pious Pentecostal Pastor that I told him it was better for me to sleep outside the young boys’ family house than to do so in his house.
It was at that point that he said okay, you can sleep in the parlor but that he had no extra mattress to support me. I told him it did not matter. Although he brought some disused cloths and spread on the floor for me to sleep on, but I preferred dozing off on the chair. He then asked the two boys to come back the following morning to take me to the home of the Chairman of Igbo Community in Batoke Chief Anthony from Afikpo in Ebonyi State.
The following day being Sunday June 3, 2018, the two young men arrived as promised and subsequently took me to the home of Chief Anthony. When we arrived at his house, he was not around but his strikingly accommodating wife received us without qualms and immediately contacted his husband on phone who responded that he was on his way back home. Indeed before he arrived his wife had served me a sumptuous breakfast dish of rice. She first served me cassava fufu with okro soup which she believed with the Igbo man’s favorite, but I pleaded with her to convert the fufu to rice, which she graciously did.
When Chief Anthony eventually arrived, I narrated my ordeal to him. With the keenness of a concerned father expressed through untainted Igbo patriotic spirit he swung into action immediately. He immediately contacted the Imo State-born President of Nigerian Community in Limbe who told him right from his Church service that we should proceed to his office at Limbe and wait for him.
When he arrived, he informed me that as the President of Nigerian Association he would not come to my aid openly but would do the little he could. According to him, reporting my matter to the Nigerian Consulate in Boua would attract immediate deportation back to Nigeria. There it was resolved that I should proceed immediately to Yaounde to report at the United Nations High Commission for Refugees for registration and eventual protection.
He in addition facilitated my travel to Yaounde with the sum of ten thousand francs. It was advised that I should take the longer but safer journey from Limbe to Yaounde where there were less security control points, that was through the Southwest Regional Capital City of Boua rather than taking the direct route which is through Limbe-Douala route. Chief Anthony eventually put me in a Boua-bound cab and directed the driver to drop me at the Boua-Yaoundé Musenge Bus Transport Company loading spot. Both men refused to give me their contact telephone numbers. I eventually got to Yaoundé in the night and slept over in the bus park till the following morning being Monday the 4th of June, 2018.
In the morning, with the help of two fine young men I met in the course of my sleeping in the park I began a tortuous search for the UNHCR Office in Yaounde. When we eventually located it I was informed that registration of intending refugees and Asylum-seekers only takes place on Thursdays. The problem then became where to put up till that Thursday. My guides who were only co-passengers the previous night were visibly tired and were becoming restless. I then asked them to take me to any Church where they have a Nigerian Priest.
I was eventually taken to St. Raphael of Olinga Mbankolo District Yaounde where I met a young woman— a student of University of Yaounde named Fabiola who kept me company after narrating my ordeals, until the arrival of the Nigerian Priest called Father John, who happens to be a Yoruba from Kwara State. He was clearly sympathetic with my situation but told me there was nothing he could do since he was not only an Assistant Parish Priest and also a student at the University of Yaounde.
He however directed me to another Parish where I could locate many Igbo members. He then called a motor-bike and instructed the rider to take me to Christ Roi Du Tsinga and directed me to ask for a Nigerian Priest called Father Daniel from Plateau State. He repaired my torn rubber bathroom slippers the woman at Batoke gave me and gave me the sum of three thousand five hundred francs.
At Christ Roi Du Tsinga I waited for Rev. Father Daniel the whole day without meeting him. I was informed that he went to school. At about 7 pm I became restless and approached the Parish Priest who directed me to Father Daniel’s office. When I got there, I met some people praying. I noted one man as Igbo because of his appearance and subsequently approached him. I informed him that I was looking for Father Daniel. He introduced himself to me as Mr. Ogbonna from Nsukka.
After narrating my ordeals he felt sorry for me and decided to stay with me till Father Daniel arrives. However at around 10 pm when it was obvious that Father Daniel was not coming back for the day, we approached the Parish Priest for accommodation support but he responded that there was no accommodation in the Church and directed us to members of Caritas for support. But the Caritas office was already closed for the day.
With the help of Mr. Ogbonna I got a hotel accommodation nearby for nine thousand francs for the night. With only four thousand francs with me, he supported me with an additional sum of five thousand and bade me goodnight. I later pleaded with the hotel workers to help me with a low room which they did at the cost of seven thousand. I slept very well leaving tomorrow to God to decide my fate. I also had the occasion to clean up and wash my lone cloths.
The following morning, stepping out of the hotel, I noticed two spare parts shops and perceived they must be owned by Igbo traders. When I got there I was indeed not mistaken. They were owned by two spare parts traders from Imo State. After telling my story as usual, one of them opted to help me contact my people. I gave him Mr. Jude Sawyer’s phone contact; and instead of giving me his phone to speak with him, he was requesting for money in my name without my knowledge. When Jude insisted on speaking with me directly to be sure I was still alive, he cut off the phone. Frustrated he turned and told me there was no way they could help me. In fact after staying with them for some time they advised me to start searching for where to stay for the night. It was then I decided to go back to the Caritas office at Christ Roi Du Tsinga as earlier advised. When I got there I was informed by an elderly man I met that their meeting takes place at 5 pm. I therefore had to hang around till the time.
By 5 pm I appeared before the members of the Parish Caritas and narrated my story in which I requested their assistance. After an exhaustive interview, they resolved to help me with a two-night hotel accommodation to end by Thursday 6th of June when I would be expected to go for the interview. They also assigned an elderly man to accompany me to the interview venue on the appointed day. On Thursday, I eventually went to the venue of the registration situated at Mini Prix Baston, opposite the Embassy of Gabon. With over a hundred Central African Republic refugees seeking registration at the same time it seemed impossible that I would be given attention that day.
But through Divine intervention, the officials were quick to note my state of disability and decided to offer me accelerated attention. Indeed one of the UNHCR officers was so sympathetic with my situation that he gave the sum of two thousand francs and further gave me a free ride in his car against their rule to a considerable distance close to my destination. He also used his Facebook account to locate my very good and trusted friend Prof Canute Ngwa at University of Bamenda.
I was subsequently registered the same Thursday, interviewed the following day being Friday at UNHCR Headquarters and thereafter issued with an identity document at the Headquarters with the following registration numbers: Case/HOH ID:417-18C 00698/Numero d’enregistrement: NIG/0001/18. This eventually became my formal UNHCR identity document that became my saving grave almost the whole period I was in Cameroon as a fugitive.
Although I was told to wait for their call for the final stage of deciding my status, unfortunately the unfolding circumstances never allowed it to materialize. It should however be noted that on Thursday after my registration I was shy to go back to the Church to seek further assistance for accommodation, since that was the limit I perceived their support could go.
This time I decided to try the Presbyterian Church in Yaoundé. When I got there, I was informed that because of the absence of the Resident Priest, it would not be possible for me to sleep in the Church. That same night I decided to go back to Musenge Bus Park where I slept the first day I arrived, to pass the night till the following day. On Friday after the issuance of the paper I went back to the same motor park and slept.
Next:
“FROM YAOUNDE TO BAMENDA FOR PROF CANUTE NGWA AND THREADING ON THE VERGE OF DEATH FROM YAOUNDE THROUGH DOUALA, BAFOUSSAM, BANYO TO NGAOUNDERE”