Biafran War Hero Col. Ihenacho Who Liberated Owerri Passes Away

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August 16, 2020

Col. Lambert Ogbonna Ihenacho, psc+ FSS, mni
1944-2020
(Nigerian Army) 1965-1967; 1972-1990
Lt. Col. Lambert Ihenacho (Biafran Army) 1967-1970

Col. Lambert Ogbonna Ihenacho, one of Biafra’s most successful military commanders, passed away Wednesday July 8, 2020 from natural causes. He was born on December 24, 1944 in Upe, in Ngor Okpala LGA of Imo State. He has since been buried in Owerri. He retired from the Nigerian Army as a colonel on September 3, 1990, At the time, he had recently served as the Principal Staff Officer (Colonel General Staff) for the Second Division of the Nigerian Army based in Ibadan, then commanded by Major General Joshua Dogonyaro. He retired as the Director, Faculty of Joint Studies at the Command and Staff College, Jaji.

During the battles for his native Owerri/Ngor Okpala in 1968/1969, Ihenacho, then a 25-year-old Biafran lieutenant colonel, and commander of the 63rd Brigade under the 14th Division commanded by Brigadier Ogbugo Kalu, was featured in TIME magazine, the American newsweekly.

A white veteran war correspondent by the name of James Wilde appeared one day at the 63d Brigade Hq. at Umuohiagu, the site of today’s Owerri Airport, a stone throw from the criminal Nigerian Air Force bombing of the central market. As Ihenacho writes:

“James Wilde looked me in the eye and asked most incredulously as he looked: “Are you the Colonel?” I wanted to know from him “which Colonel” he was referring to. He replied: “The Brigade Commander!” I answered in the affirmative. Then he observed: “But you look very young from what I have heard about you, but how old are you?” I told him that I was twenty-five-years-old. He nodded and amazement lit his countenance.”

The white reporter tagged along as Ihenacho and his men went into battle, refusing all of Ihenacho’s entreaties to at least wear a helmet as the battle for Umuneke raged. James Wilde’s report appeared in the April 4, 1969 issue of TIME.

On the 22nd of April 1969, Lt. Col. Ihenacho led the assault to recapture the strategic city of Owerri after a six-month siege and fierce fighting. His 63rd Brigade had been engaging the Nigerian 14th Brigade commanded by Lt. Col. Agbazika Innih. Their theatre of battle ranged from the Owerri-Umuahia Road at Enyiogugu to Emii and from Naze to Agbala and along the stretch of the Owerri-Aba Road and encompassing all of Ngor Okpala, which Innih’s brigade had overrun in September 1968. The Biafran Special (“S”) Division meanwhile was laying the siege around Owerri, where the Nigerian 16th Division commanded by Lt. Col. Eddie Etuk had been bottled up since October 1968, barely one month after it captured Owerri on September 16. Laying the siege from the south was the Biafran 60th and 68th Brigades under the “S” Division commanded by Col. Timothy Onwuatuegwu.

In December 1968, Commander-in-Chief General Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu had tasked Lt. Col. Joe Achuzie to take over the 14th Division led by Brigadier Ogbugo Kalu and liberate Owerri town as a “New Year gift” to Biafra. Well, Achuzie, who was also called “Hannibal” and “Air Raid,” got his Task Force together, with Major Theodore Atumaka as the leader of the assault. But immediately it became known that Achuzie was in command a great number of the Task Force soldiers deserted, afraid that any mistake they made, Achuzie would shoot them. With this unforeseen development, Major Atumaka advised Achuzie that since more than half of the soldiers meant for the operation had deserted, the operation should be delayed to get in reinforcements and weapons. However, Achuzie insisted that the assault should go on regardless. The 14th Division task force fought all the way to Emmanuel College, and then ran out of ammunition, amid withering enemy fire. To make matters worse, Major Atumaka was shot in the head at Emmanuel College. Some of his men carried his lifeless body and came stumbling out of the front to the rear, only for Achuzie to shoot them thinking they were stragglers! It was a total disaster and Ojukwu wasted no time reinstating Brigadier Ogbugo Kalu.

With Umuahia, the new Biafran capital after Enugu, about to fall in April 1969, it was urgent that the six-month siege of Owerri be brought to a quick conclusion so that Biafra could move its capital once again. Aba was out of the question being under enemy control. Ojukwu had transferred Col. Onwuatuegwu from the “S” Division to come and help with the fighting at Umuahia, leaving the division in the hands of former militia leader Lt. Col. Joe Achuzie and Lt. Col. Azum Asoya. The 60th and the 68th Brigades had been tightening the noose around Owerri, and coming from Egbema had captured Omanelu, Umuapu, Umuagwo, and Obinze, but were bogged down in a stalemate. But the Biafran high command was desperate, and looked around for a new solution and a new commander. One not named Achuzie.

In mid-April 1969, Brigadier Kalu, commander of the 14th Division, sent out summons for Lt. Col. Ihenacho, commander of his 63rd Brigade, to appear at the Division Headquarters at Atta, Ikeduru. It was a time of emergency because the Nigerian Army was about to capture Umuahia, and if they controlled Owerri as well, where would the Biafran government go? Biafra had shrunk considerably, and the loss of Umuahia would mean that all the main Biafran cities were in enemy hands. Brigadier Kalu was seated in his office in the company of his staff officers when Ihenacho arrived. Then this encounter:

“Look Lambert, I have a serious assignment for you,” said Kalu, to which Ihenacho replied, “OK, sir.” Then Kalu continued: “It has become necessary and really expedient to clear the enemy from Owerri. I know your brigade is still fighting a formidable enemy but I will bring you out briefly to lead the assault on Owerri. I will provide the logistics needed to carry out this job but I will allow you to use one of your battalions for the assault. Major Anyiam (the late famous footballer) is to head your logistics team. All units in contact with the enemy in Owerri will be under your command throughout the operation. Because of the emergency we have in our hands, I will give you only seven days from now to accomplish this task. I know you can do it but please do not disappoint us. Let me know the day you will go in and your H-hour. Any questions?

Iheancho took his Vengeance (“V”) Battalion commanded by Major Cyril Anuforo, nicknamed “Kawawa.” Then he planned an operation which would split the federal troops in Owerri into pockets to destroy their cohesiveness and make command and control very difficult for them. The eventual course of the battle showed that Ihenacho’s men would have wrecked more havoc than they did on the Nigerians had the Biafrans had any heavy weapons. Even the promised full complement of explosives were not sent and hampered the objective to destroy the bridge on the Nworie River between Ama JK and the Assumpta Cathedral/Orlu Road Junction on Port Harcourt Road. At any rate, almost 90% of the Federal troops commanded by the very resourceful Nigerian commander Lt. Col. Etuk was wiped out. At the fighting around Ama JK, the Biafrans killed a Nigerian major, the Brigade Major Ted Hamman, in close fighting. According to Ihenacho:

“Having captured the initial objectives, the company at the bridgehead [on Port Harcourt Road] was now ready to ransack Shell Camp area where we were told they held Briafran war prisoners. I held them back because the enemy was attacking furiously to recapture the bridge and the Catering Rest House Complex including Ama JK. In the fighting around Ama JK, a federal army major was killed at very close range. My CO asked me if he was to recover the body of the major and I told him to do so if that would not cost us unnecessary casualties. He made attempts to recover it but the federal fire power was overwhelming in that enterprise.”

The Biafran 60th Brigade and the Biafran Special (“S”) Division which had been laying the siege on Owerri for many months without success held their defensive positions while the V Battalion of Ihenacho’s 63rd Brigade commanded by Major Cyril (Kawawa) Anuforo carried out the assault. Under the cover of darkness at the end of the first day of fighting, the “clever” Lt. Col. Etuk, the commander of the Nigerian 16th Brigade, brought together their heavy weapons, armoured personnel carriers, and tanks and 300 Nigerian soldiers, the only remnants of the 3,000 Nigerian soldiers who had been surrounded in Owerri for months, and blasted their way out of Owerri through the Umuguma Road. But they left behind vehicles, machine guns, artillery and untold quantities of rifles and ammunition.

Ihenacho was a lieutenant in the Nigerian Army in 1967 and narrowly escaped death a year earlier in Kano, at the Fifth Battalion, which had until recently been commanded by Lt. Col. C. Odumegwu-Ojukwu. Igbo officers, NCOs and soldiers were rounded up right after the July 29 coup, and taken to the Wudil Prison in town. The Battalion’s adjutant, one Lt. Gora,would appear every morning to call out a name, and then he and his colleagues would take the individual out and execute him. Gora started with Major Ihedigbo, the second-in-command of the battalion, which was now commanded by Lt. Col. Mohammed Shuwa. Without showing any sign of respect to his superior officer, he called: “Ihedigbo come out.” As their numbers reduced with each passing day, it was getting to Ihenacho’s turn. The two had had a previous encounter whereby Gora reported Ihenacho to Lt. Col. Ojukwu, who resolved the matter without making either of them lose face. Ihenacho kept being threatened by Gora, who often came into the cell to point his pistol at Ihenacho. But Gora never called his name, because Gora and Oparaji were friends and had been trained together as officer cadets in Pakistan, and it appeared Gora owed some kind of debt to Oparaji which Oparaji never revealed to Ihenacho. Eventually the killings stopped after the direct intervention of the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, who declared that he had always been a friend to the Igbos and strongly deplored what was going on. Oparaji rose to become a colonel in Biafra, and also later became a colonel in the Nigerian Army. At the 5th Battalion, Kano, was a certain Lt. Ike Omar Sanda Nwachukwu who had been sprung from the barracks by his maternal uncle Lt. Col. Hassan Usman Katsina, the military governor of Northern Nigeria, and taken to a “safe place.”

Lt. William Archibong and Ihenacho, former schoolmates at the Nigerian Military School (before they went to officer cadet school), had become fast friends, and were together in the prison. Lt. Col. Willy Archibong was one of Biafra’s most fearless officers. He was a daredevil fighter and his reputation, just like Ihenacho’s, became legendary, and even more so. He would send his officers to begin the battle, then take a handful of soldiers and “sneak” behind enemy lines as the battle raged, intending to kill the enemy officers stationed at the rear. He died in one such battle at the Ikot Ekpene sector, and his brigade lost five officers and other men trying to recover his body which was carried away by federal troops. His loss was felt very badly by the entire Biafran Army. He had started out in the Ogoja sector, while Ihenacho had fought at Nsukka, Enugu-Ezike, Zik Farms and Zik Flats and later at Nsude/9th Mile Corner, Enugu. Ihenacho was promoted to major very quickly in Nsukka; he was made the commander of the new 6th Battalion and he developed tactics to impede the movement of Nigerian armoured cars and tanks and slow down the Nigerian advance to Enugu.

.The nominal commander of the S [Special] Division at the Owerri sector was Col. Timothy Onwuatuegwu, but at the time in April 1969, he was on temporary posting to the Umuahia sector and his division was being led by Lt. Col. Joe Achuzia, along with Lt. Col. Azum Asoya. Although a lot of noise has been made of Joe Achuzie in the war, most trained Biafran Army officers had little regard for him. Without naming him, Ihenacho wrote about how trained and committed Biafran Army officers, battalion commanders, brigade commanders stayed unusually very close to the fighting. For instance, as a brigade commander fighting to dislodge the Nigerian 14th Brigade under Lt. Col. Agbazika Innih at Enyiogugu and the Eke Isu Market, Ihenacho was stationed only two miles from the trenches directing the attacks and counter-attacks. And due to his thorough knowledge of the area and his creative battle plans he eventually succeeded in controlling the strategic Eke Isu market square and blunted the Nigerian Army’s march to Umuahia.

However, somebody like Achuzie usually stayed well behind the fighting, up to ten miles away, “just catching stragglers.” Ihenacho said that although Achuzie had little knowledge of military tactics and strategy, he acknowledged that Achuzie was passionate about Biafra. He was however deeply resentful of the fact that Achuzie was reckless with people’s lives. He cited the cases of soldiers and the commanding officers withdrawing from a battle because they had run out of bullets, and then Achuzie would show up and shoot them to death. Ihenacho said he gave an order that if anyone of his soldiers saw Achuzie in his sector they should shoot him. He added that if Biafra had won the war, they would have made sure that Achuzie was court-martialed. However, the Nigerian government kept Achuzie in detention for over ten years citing the crimes he committed against his supposed comrades in Biafra. When he was finally released, he lamented that his white wife had left him during the course of his long detention. When they met years after the war, Ihenacho said that the diminutive Achuzie had changed to become a quiet, pleasant man.

“I was not alone in declaring Col. Achuzie an unwanted person in my area of operation. Maj. William Archibong (later Lt. Col. Archibong) and many other field commanders thought the same of Col. Achuzie and some even went further than I did. There was a serious gun duel between Achuzie and Archibong. Achuzie was just lucky to have escaped alive. He nearly paid for the atrocities he committed against ignorant, half-baked soldiers. Soldiers who literally faced the enemy with bare hands having fired the last round of their bolt-action rifles without bayonets and who should have been helped and encouraged to continue to endure were brutally handled. Many were shot dead and abandoned like animals.”

Col. Ihenacho’s sector included the Owerri-Aba Road, from Agbala all the way to Ulakwo to Owerrinta and the Imo River. As well as the territory on both sides of the highway. As such the territory included the whole of Ngor Okpala all the way to Umuekwune, Obokwe/Orisheze, Alulu, Elelem, Nguru, Umuowa, Umuneke, Obiangwu, Logara, Mbutu Okohia, and Eziama. Ihenacho’s 63rd Brigade had recaptured this whole area up to the Imo River and had reduced Agbazika Innih’s Nigerian 14th Brigade to an ineffective force by March 1969. Then came intelligence reports that the Nigerian 14th Brigade was massing weapons and armament to recapture lost areas. Once finished with Owerri, Ihenacho returned to his sector to confront the regrouping Nigerians. To add to his battalions, Brigadier Kalu got for him the “Strike Force” Battalion, a unit on loan from the 60th Brigade. It was then that Col. Ihenacho first met one Captain Achike Udenwa, one of the company commanders. Ihenacho wrote: “I noticed that Captain Udenwa was the quiet type. He looked calm but was very intelligent and effective in his command. He soon melted into his battalion and I did not see him again until much later after the war when he was elected as the Governor of the Imo State in 1999.”

On January 8, 1970, as the Biafran resistance finally collapsed and the Nigerian 3 Marine Commandos Division coming from Aba and Elele were once again inside Owerri, Brigadier Kalu ordered Ihenacho to take over control and gather some of the Biafran troops many of whom had joined the civilians surging towards the Njaba Bridge on their way to Orlu. Brigadier Kalu charged him to mount a counterattack, explaining that he was hurrying to join General Effiong to broadcast Biafra’s surrender and prevent a massacre. The counterattack was not meant to recapture lost ground, but to give a little time for the brave Biafran leader Gen. Phillip Effiong, who didn’t turn tail and run away, to get to the Biafran Radio shortwave transmitter hidden in the bush, to announce the unilateral ceasefire by Biafran forces, and acceptance of Nigerian sovereignty. After a brief moderated firefight, the whole venture ended, and Ihenacho observed that the victorious Nigerian troops did not fire on the fleeing Biafran civilians they passed once the broadcast was finally made at about 4:30 PM. Thereafter, like other Biafran soldiers, he pulled out his insignia and ranks, and melted into the crowds of Biafran refugees, as he walked to Ogborji, near Ekwulobia, where his wife was with her parents. Col. Onwuatuegwu was not so lucky. He was killed at a Nigerian military checkpoint as he was trying to escape into Cameroun.

After the war Ihenacho, like some other Biafran military officers, who were previously in the Nigerian Army, were ordered to report to Owerri. Full of trepidation about what would be their fate, he did report. And that was after his mother-in-law, Mrs. Comfort Amaogechukwu Nwuba (née Okoli, the younger sister of Dr. Mrs. Christy Achebe, the wife of the famous writer Prof. Chinua Achebe) had walked the 41 miles to Owerri accompanied by Ihenacho’s former military batman Corporal Arthur Ndukauba to scout Owerri to be sure that Ihenacho would be safe. At Owerri, he reunited with several of his erstwhile Biafran colleagues.

The ex-Biafran officers underwent documentation that went on for days on end, all the while snickered at by their conquerors. However, not long afterwards they were transported to Port Harcourt, to face a panel. But this time the exercise was led by Brigadier Adeyinka Adebayo, the military governor of Western Nigeria (after Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi), who brought a big salutary change. He said Brigadier Adebayo treated them very humanely, with sympathy. He was very unhappy seeing their malnourished, dejected and badly clad appearance. Adebayo quickly ordered that they should each be given a bag of rice, beans, and salt and monthly allowance. Ihenacho wrote:

“Most of his colleagues and juniors were obviously hostile on that account. General Adebayo as a properly commissioned officer did not give a damn about raw and dirty feelings. He insisted that commissioned officers were entitled to a level of respect. And he enforced it.”

Eventually they were transported to Lagos. After almost a two-year period when they just waited, the “lucky ones” were informed they would be reabsorbed but at the ranks they held before the war and would receive no promotion for four years (although this turned out to be three years).

Ihenacho was posted to the 186 Battalion of the Nigerian Army at Mokola Barracks, Ibadan, under the Second Mechanized Division commanded by Major General James Oluleye. And who turned out to be his battalion commander? Col. Eddie Etuk, the commander of the 16th Brigade of the 3rd Marine Commandos he had narrowly missed capturing in Owerri on April 23rd 1969. The man he said he had wanted to capture with his bare hands and demystify. As you can imagine, when he went to Etuk’s office to officially report for duty, Etuk was cold to him. However, after he retired from the Army, Etuk sent him a warm letter.

As a Nigerian lieutenant colonel and commander of the 69 Battalion in Sirti, near the Cameroonian border, Ihenacho was in 1980 posted along with his battalion to the UN peace-keeping known as UNIFIL at the Israeli-Lebanese border. His unit was the 7th Nigerian contingent at UNIFIL, and it was called NIBATT VII.

With the rank of Colonel he was a director of the Command and Staff College, Jaji, when a junior officer who had served with him in the 2nd Division, Major Gideon Orkar, along with Lt. Col. Anthony “Tony” Nyiam, both “Directing Staff” and working under him at Jaji, joined with Major Saliba Mukoro, PhD, to lead a coup d’etat against the military government of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida on April 22, 1990. That coup failed, and when the investigation into the coup uncovered a document in which the coup plotters made known their intention to appoint Col. Lambert Ihenacho the new Chief of Army Staff, Babangida’s Directorate of Military Intelligence arrested him at Jaji and flew him to Lagos, and onwards to their headquarters at Yaba where they interrogated him. However, the detained suspects vigorously said Ihenacho did not know anything about the coup attempt. The Army therefore sent him back to his duty post at Jaji. But come September 3, 1990, he was retired as a colonel, just when he was about to be promoted to the rank of Brigadier. There was also a purge of the ex-Biafran officers.

Colonel had never in the past lobbied for a political appointment. Indeed Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe had once told him that the High Command was aware of his abilities but had said that some of the “good soldiers” should be left in the Army to maintain its effectiveness. While Ihenacho was serving as the Colonel GS at the 2nd Division, the governor of Imo State, Brigadier-General Ike Nwachukwu, who had served with him as second-lieutenants in 5th Battalion, Kano, under Lt. Col. C. Odumegwu-Ojukwu, had requested the Army to allow him to come and serve part-time on the Board of the Nigerian Cement Co., Nkalagu, which he handled with great acclaim as Chairman. Later, Governor Udenwa appointed him Chairman of the Imo Transport Corporation, which again he handled with great integrity and success. He was the running mate for Engr. Charles Ugwu under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in the truncated governorship race in Imo State in 2007.

Colonel Lambert Ihenacho came from Upe, two villages away from mine, and was practically an “honorary member” of my family; my father was in many respects his big brother. The Igbo people have lost a great son. He will be sorely missed, and will be forever remembered. He leaves behind his loving wife Dr. (Mrs) Eucharia “UK” Ihenacho (native of Umudioka, Awka), his three sons: Hon. Lambert Ihenacho, Jr.; Captain Kemakolam Ihenacho (Nigerian Navy); Engr. Ikechukwu Ihenacho; and his daughter Dr. (Mrs.) Almaz Ngozi Brown.

(His autobiography published in 2014 is titled A GUIDED LIFE.)

Hector-Roosevelt Ukegbu

Let’s Tell Arthur Eze the Inconvenient Truth.-Ngwu Nweze

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August 16, 2020

If Ndigbo do not tell Arthur Eze that money is not everything, he will destroy whatever value is left in Igboland. The self-acclaimed Igbo Messiah (Ozo Igbo Ndu) has become a most irritating pain in the neck of Ndigbo. In the past thirty years, Arthur has brought everything he has touched to ruin. Eastern Plastics, Premier Cashew Industry, Anambra Vegetable Oil Products (AVOP), Premier Brewery Limited, Orient Bank and even his own Triax Group of Companies all melted under his cancerous touch. And now, Arthur has turned his attention to the Igbo presidency project and the government of Anambra State. Now is the time to tell him to stop!

Anyone who has followed the appalling drama playing out in Anambra State at the moment will not miss the underlying message – mutiny! Arthur is currently leading a rebellion against the government of Anambra State. This is not opposition as we know it. This is an act of rebellion. When a man is puffed up by his belief in his own invisibility, he turns himself into a menace to society. That was exactly what Arthur Eze did when he took 12 traditional rulers from Anambra State to Abuja on an ill-advised mission to create disaffection for the governor of Anambra State at the presidency. Arthur is leading a mutiny against Anambra State. He should be told ‘enough’ by Nigerians who value decency and order in the society. The traditional rulers are the leaders of the grassroots in our democracy. Anyone who successfully turns a sizeable number of them against the sitting government under any guise has masterminded civilian coup plot. That is exactly what Arthur Eze has done. He is hell bent on setting Anambra on fire. He will succeed only if we support him with our silence.

We must tell Eze that the office of the governor of Anambra State should not be desecrated. And that any effort that denigrates and belittles it exposes Ndi Anambra to ridicule before decent people across the world.

Without a doubt, Arthur Eze appears to have a brutal knee firmly pressed into the neck of Ndigbo. He ridicules our aspiration for the presidency. He spits in the faces of our political leaders at will. He is locked up in a mortal battle with neighbouring villages in Anambra State. He is at war with the novelist, Chimamanda Adichie. He instigated criminal charges against Pius Nweke, the CEO of Best Aluminum who unlike him has created thousands of jobs for the people. He has no respect for constituted authority. He believes that money is everything. Arthur is one of the disappearing breed of post-Biafra War Igbos whose dumb worship of money set the tone for the moral decline of our society. His inherent evil has always been easy to see. His very name invokes a horrifying atmosphere that is antithetical to democracy and peace. It reminds us of another Arthur in another era. But even more horrifying, he reminds us of godfatherism and reckless brigandage. But we choose to turn a blind eye to Arthur.

For many decades, Arthur strutted the entire South East Nigeria like a winged monster in a Hollywood movie, talking down on his enemies and giving the impression that with money he could buy anybody including one half of heaven. He moves around in the longest and most expensive vehicular convoy in Igboland. He feels that everyone is beneath him. He does not weigh his utterances. He speaks as the mood takes him. At a time when his Igbo people feel entitled to provide Nigeria’s next president, Arthur told them that they were not good enough for the position in clear terms. Only Northerners are good enough to lead Nigeria because they gave Arthur contracts. He is a bull in china shop. Nothing is sacred to him. He is a monster with a philanthropic face! But Arthur Eze should be reminded that all his philanthropy does not stretch beyond dashing people money. And that begging is not in the DNA of Ndigbo. This is one truth Arthur must be told!

Throughout history, Igbo people have shown a definitive practical side to their communal life. In Igbo worldview, no one, no matter how gifted can win judgment against a clan. A thematic exploration of this deep philosophy gave birth to Chinua Achebe’s Arrow of God. Somebody ought to tell Arthur that he cannot win a fight against his own people. In fact, the futility of that enterprise in Igboland has been demonstrated to a point where some gods that proved to be a thorn in the flesh of their worshippers were hurled to the crossroads and set ablaze by the same people who once supplicated them for protection. It is therefore embarrassing to see that just because he could sell a few oil wells, Arthur Eze has forgotten the capricious nature of his own culture. He is blind to the fact that a masquerade that turns against its minders in a stab of arrogance risks the humiliation of being deserted at the market square!

This is the inconvenient truth we must tell Arthur Eze!

Ngwu Nweze writes from Ajalli, Orumba North LGA of Anambra State.

Video-Orji Uzor Kalu: The face Of A Failed State

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August 13, 2020

2023:Ohanaeze To Negotiate For Igbo President

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August 13, 2020

…We’ll support them but there must be restructuring — Afenifere
…There must be conditions — Balarabe Musa
…We shall look at presidential candidates when they emerge and evaluate them — ACF
…Let Igbos speak with one voice — PANDEF

Apex Igbo socio-political organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo said yesterday that it had gotten the mandate of the Igbo-speaking states to negotiate with other Nigerians for the president of Igbo extraction in 2023.

Anambra State president of Ohanaeze, Chief Damian Okeke-Ogene said during a press briefing in Awka that the mandate would be pursued with the seriousness it deserved because the South East was the only zone that had not occupied the office of president of Nigeria since the present democratic dispensation began in 1999.

However, different ethnic groups and personalities have reacted to the development with Afenifere saying it would support Igbo Preisdency but noted that there must be restructuring, Arewa Consultative Forum, ACF, said it would look at presidential candidates after they had emerged to evaluate them.

According to Ohanaeze, if in 2023, Igbo do not get the president, Ohanaeze would continue with the struggle until it is achieved, recalling that it took the late Nelson Mandela several years of struggle to achieve it in South Africa.

Okeke-Ogene also spoke on the recent attempt by some people, led by a traditional ruler in Anambra State to factionalize Ohanaeze through what he described as a misguided effort to deceive the Corporate Affairs Commission, CAC, to register a parallel Ohanaeze.

He said: “Ohanaeze Ndigbo is an institution of credibility and repute that spans seven states and beyond and should not for any reason be subjected to ridicule because of selfish interest of self- seeking individuals.

“We want to use this opportunity to advise the said traditional ruler to focus on activities of his kingdom and desist from meddling in the affairs of Ohanaeze so as to protect the integrity of the stool he occupies. I want to assure everybody that Ohanaeze Ndigbo led by Chief Nnia Nwodo remains intact and very strong. We want to use the opportunity to apologize to other Igbo states for this dance of shame.”

He also explained that through the intervention of the elder statesman and first republic minister, Chief Mbazulike Amechi, Ohanaeze and the Indigenous People of Biafra,

IPOB, had resolved their differences and had started working together to achieve the collective agenda for the Igbo.

On the recent misunderstanding between some traditional rulers and the Anambra State government, the Ohanaeze president said: “We want to advise our revered royal fathers to emulate the conduct of the Chairman, Anambra State Traditional Rulers Council and Obi of Onitsha, lgwe Alfred Nnaemeka Achebe, the grand patron of the Council and traditional ruler of Nnewi, lgwe Kenneth Orizu, as well as the traditional ruler of Mbaukwu, Igwe Peter Anugwu, among others and avoid confrontational stance against the state government as there is need to avoid sending wrong signal to the outside world.

“It is necessary to follow laid down processes and procedures in channeling grievances to appropriate authority. We equally want to use this opportunity to urge stakeholders in the state to avoid overheating the polity and creating opportunity for few individuals to hijack the power structure and hold the entire people hostage and in bondage.”

We’ll support them but there must be restructuring — Afenifere

When contacted, the pan-Yoruba socio-political organization, Afenifere, said though it supports the South East’s agitation, the country must be restructured before the 2023 general elections.

Afenifere’s National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Yinka Odumakin said: “We will support the South East to get the Presidency in 2023 provided Nigeria is restructured.

“We have been on the same page with Ohanaeze as far as restructuring is concerned, but if Nigeria goes into any election before carrying out restructuring, it will spell doom for the country.”

There must be conditions — Balarabe Musa

However, Second Republic governor of Kaduna State, Alhaji Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa said majority of Northeners were now in support of the emergence of a President from the Southeast come 2023, particularly of Ndigbo extraction.

According to him, “this time around, it would not be solely an Ndigbo affair, as all Nigerians would participate in selecting the most competent person among the Igbo that will fit the number one seat in Nigeria.

“He must be someone that will bring about peace, justice and equality in the country. He must be someone with the qualities of late Zik of Africa,” he said.

He reiterated that Nigerians would have to participate in choosing an Igbo person with such sterling qualities, who would be President in 2023 unlike in similar exercises.

We shall look at presidential candidates when they emerge and evaluate them — ACF

Reacting, Spokesperson for Arewa Consultative Forum, ACF, Emmanuel Yawe, in a terse statement, said: “ACF believes that it is the constitutional responsibility of political parties to produce candidates. Until they do that, the forum will not interfere in that process. We shall look at the presidential candidates when they emerge and evaluate them at that stage.”

But a chieftain of the ACF, Anthony Sani said Ndigbo has the constitutional right to field a president in 2023.

“The decision by Ohanaeze Ndigbo to field a candidate to contest for the post of president in 2023 is their constitutional right under the nation’s multiparty democracy. They should design their winning game plan and canvass support across the nation, considering the president would preside over the whole Nigeria and not president of Igbos alone.

“And as Ohanaeze canvasses support, they should note that democracy is a contest of ideas and reasons and not a bull fight in a sumo ring. That is to say, in a multi-party democracy, threats and intimidation, nor playing victim with lamentation cannot secure power. Reasoned persuasion of the voters devoid of bellicose and percussive posturing are the instruments, while social skills are the requirements. More so, there is no national consensus on rotation of the president between the North and the South that is binding on the political parties.”

Let Igbos speak with one voice — PANDEF

Also yesterday, the apex socio-cultural group of the South South geopolitical zone, Pan Niger Delta Forum, PANDEF, said it will welcome Ohanaeze just as it called on all Igbo leaders and groups to eschew any form of division and support ‘Ohanaeze’ to negotiate with other parts of the country for the 2023 presidency.

National Chairman of PANDEF, Air Commodore Idongesit Nkanga, who gave the advice yesterday in Uyo stressed that Ohanaeze must work together with everybody, including those in government to win the support of other parts of the country.

Nkanga said PANDEF would welcome Ohanaeze when approached because the South South had held that the next president of the country should come from the South East.

His words: “I think what Ohanaeze is trying to do is the right thing and they should have the support of everybody in the Southeast and also in Southern Nigeria. Which other organisation would have done it other than they themselves?

“If they (Igbos) have other organizations, whether women, youth groups, especially those in govermment, they should support Ohanaeze. It should not be while Ohanaeze is negotiating for Igbo presidency, other organizations are negotiating for other regions to take the position. Let the Igbos speak with one voice.For Ohanaeze to succeed, the elders and leaders must make sure they eschew any form of faction in the organization. This is not the time to talk about faction; they should close ranks because when they close ranks they should be able to convince the rest of the country.”

“Though they have not approached us yet on that, Ohaneze will not have problem if they come to us because they are a component of Southern and Middle Belt Forum. And PANDEF over time had supported the idea that we should allow the presidency to come to the South this time.

“And of course if it comes to the South the logical thing will be to allow the Southeast have it. In an open letter our Chairman Board of Trustees,Chief Edwin Clark wrote, he specifically said that the presidency should go to the Southeast”

Vanguard

Can Fulani Islamize Nigeria?- Rotimi Amaechi

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bvichannel1

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August 11, 2020

FACTS ABOUT CHINESE LOANS TO NIGERIA- DMO

By

bvichannel1

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August 11, 2020

The attention of the Debt Management Office (DMO), has been drawn to statements and reports credited to several persons on the subject of Loans obtained from China and has considered it necessary to provide a sequel to its Press Release on the same subject
dated September 11, 2018.

The general public is encouraged to be guided by the facts in this Press Release.
How Much Loan has Nigeria Taken from China?
As at March 31, 2020, the Total Borrowing by Nigeria from China was USD3.121 billion. This amount represents only 3.94% of Nigeria’s Total
Public Debt of USD79.303 billion as at March 31, 2020. Similarly, in terms of external sources of funds, Loans from China accounted for 11.28%
of the External Debt Stock of USD27.67 billion at the same date. These data, show that China is not a major source of funding for the Nigerian
Government.

What are the Terms of the Loans from China?

The Total Borrowing from China of USD3.121 billion as at March 31, 2020, are concessional Loans with Interest Rates of 2.50% p.a., Tenor of Twenty (20) years and Grace Period (Moratorium) of Seven (7) years. The Terms and other details of the Loan are available at http://www.dmo.gov.ng./

These Terms are compliant with the provisions of Section 41 (1a) of the Fiscal Responsibility Act, 2007. In addition, the low interest rate reduces the Interest Cost to Government while the long tenor enables the repayment of the principal sum of the Loans over many years. These two benefits, make the provisions for Debt Service in the
Annual Budget lower than they would otherwise have been if the Loans were on commercial terms.

*What Were the Loans Used For?

The USD3.121 billion Loans are project-tied Loans. The projects, (eleven – 11 in number as at March 31, 2020), include: Nigerian Railway Modernization Project (Idu-Kaduna section), Abuja Light Rail Project, Nigerian Four Airport Terminals Expansion Project

2(Abuja, Kano, Lagos and Port Harcourt), Nigerian Railway Modernization Project (Lagos-Ibadan section) and Rehabilitation and Upgrading of Abuja – Keffi- Makurdi Road Project.
See a Full List of the Projects at http://www.dmo.gov.ng./

The impact of these Loans is not only evident but visible. For instance, the Idu – Kaduna Rail Line has become a major source of transportation between Abuja and Kaduna. Also, the new International Airport in Abuja, has improved air transportation for the populace,
while the Lagos – Ibadan rail line when completed, will ease traffic on the busy Lagos -Ibadan Expressway.
The projects also have the added benefits of job creation, not only by themselves but through direct and indirect service providers, a number of which are Small and Medium
Enterprises. It is widely accepted that investment in infrastructure is one of the most effective tools for countries to achieve economic growth and development. Using Loans from China to finance infrastructure is thus in alignment with this position.
What Is the Process by which the Loans were Obtained? The principal process and requirements for borrowing by the Government are expressly
stated in the Debt Management Office Establishment (ETC) Act, 2003 (DMO Act) and the Fiscal Responsibility Act, 2007. Section 21 (1) of the DMO Act, “No External loan shall be approved or obtained by the Minister unless its terms and conditions shall have
been laid before the National Assembly and approved by its resolution” and Section 41 (1a) of the FRA, “Government at all tiers shall only borrow for capital
expenditure and human development, provided that, such borrowing shall be on concessional terms with low interest rate and with a reasonable long amortization period subject to the approval of the appropriate legislative body where necessary”, are instructive in this regard.
For detailed information on the borrowing process and required approvals please go to “External and Domestic Borrowing Guidelines for Federal Government, State
Government and the Federal Capital Territory and their Agencies” at
http://www.dmo.gov.ng/publications/other-publications/borrowing-guidelines

To summarise, the Federal Ministry of Finance, Budget and National Planning works with the MDAs under whose portfolio a proposed loan falls and also with the DMO. Thereafter, the approval of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) is sought. It is only after the approval by FEC that His Excellency requests for the approval of the National Assembly
(NASS) as required by Section 41 of the Fiscal responsibility Act, 2007. More importantly, it is only after the approval of NASS that the Loans are taken and Nigeria begins to drawdown on the Loans.In summary, Borrowing is a joint activity between the Executive (FEC) and the Legislative(NASS) Arms of Government.

3. How Rigorous is the Loan Documentation?

The Loan Agreements are reviewed by legal officers of the Federal Ministry of Justice and the Legal Opinion of the Honourable Attorney General of the Federation and Minister
of Justice is obtained before any External Loan Agreement is signed.
Can China Take Possession of the Projects Financed by them if Nigeria Defaults in the Servicing of the Loan?
Firstly, Nigeria explicitly provides for Debt Service on its External and Domestic Debt in its Annual Budgets. In effect, this means that Debt Service is recognised and payment is
planned for. In addition, a number of the projects being (and to be) financed by the
Loans are either revenue generating or have the potential to generate revenue.

Radio Message On Bad Governance and Insecurity-10/08/2020

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bvichannel1

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August 10, 2020

2023: Biafra Agitation and Mischaracterisation of Ndigbo-Dr Mefor

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bvichannel1

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August 10, 2020

It is heartwarming that the quest for a Nigerian President of Igbo and South East extraction is gaining traction across regional, ethnic, religious and political divides. The show of good faith by prominent politicians, elder statesmen, and ordinary Nigerians alike, rekindles the hope that a greater and more equitable Nigeria is feasible in our lifetime.

In January this year, elder statesman and political veteran, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai, said: “Nigeria had three major blocks. Two of these three, namely, the North and the West have had the opportunity of producing the President. Therefore, the Igbo have a good argument because out of the three siblings, two have already succeeded at producing the President, but the Igbo have not.

“I for one – I am in support of it. I did it before in the era of NPN (National Party of Nigeria), when we had the arrangement that the next president after late President Shehu Shagari would come from the East. We would have settled this problem long ago if not for the military intervention.”

Only last Tuesday, August 4, 2020, Yakasai was on the Arise TV where he also reiterated that it was the turn of Ndigbo. The elder statesman, however, warned against the Biafra agitation and polemics of a faction of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, which he said was not helping the Igbo course.

“I want to say that our compatriots from the South East should wake up and realise that Nnamdi Kanu will not be the type of people, who will take the presidency to the South East.” He reasoned that Ndigbo must appeal to, not insult their sensibilities, to have their own.

While Pa Yakasai and several others have been quite mature and responsible in putting their concerns across, there are many, who are so illogical and insensitive in aggressively pushing the narrative that Ndigbo cannot be asking for the presidency and Biafra at the same time. Some even equate Igbo presidency to breakup of Nigeria. This is as untrue as it is blackmailing.

It is a gross misrepresentation of the thinking of Ndigbo. While Nnamdi Kanu and his disciples might be more vociferous in marketing their belief, they do not represent the true stand of the greater number of Ndigbo and Igbo intelligentsia, which is captured in the “Awka Declaration” in May 2018.

That summit was attended by both the ordinary men and the cream of Igbo leadership, including the President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief Nnia Nwodo; Deputy President of the senate and highest Igbo political office holder at the time, Senator Ike Ekweremadu.

There were governors of South East states, including the host Governor, Chief Wille Obiano; Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu who chaired the event; Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezife; Chief Guy Ikokwu, former Ohanaeze Secretary General, Dr. Joe Nwaorgu, representatives of the National Assembly like Senators Enyinnaya Abaribe, Victor Umeh and Sam Daddy Anyanwu, among others.

Also there were speakers of South East State Assemblies and wife of the late Biafran warlord, Ambassador Bianca Ojukwu, and of course, former Central Bank Governor, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, who read out the Igbo position.

Presenting a 10-point demand of Ndigbo, Soludo explained that the positions presented for adoption by the 100-man committee were distilled from accumulated years of work on the subject by successive regimes of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, submissions of the Igbo Leaders of Thought for the 2014 National Conference, 1994 constitutional conference and 2005 and 2014 national conferences.

Included was report of the committee set up by Southeast governors on the review of the 1999 Constitution as well as the submissions/works of various Igbo groups/think-tanks like the Igbo Renaissance Centre Uturu, Aka Ikenga, Izu Umunna; Nzuko Umunna; Igbo intelligentsia, World Igbo Congress, and reports of various meetings and conferences of Igbo stakeholders and leaders, plus the outcomes of the town hall-styled consultative meetings by The Ohanaeze Planning and Strategy Committee and the Organizing Committee for the Summit on Restructuring in Lagos, Abuja, and Enugu.

In the 10-point Awka Declaration, Ndigbo demanded resource control, regional government based on the six existing geo-political zones, fiscal federalism, devolution of power, additional state for the Southeast before further creation of states, rotational presidency, six-year single term with six Vice-Presidents, among others.

Ndigbo also declared: “The position of Ndigbo is to seek a transformed Nigeria that works for every Nigerian citizen, a level playing field for all Nigerians to enjoy freedom, liberty, fairness, equity and justice to maximise their fullest potential. Ndi Igbo are uniquely positioned, by virtue of their huge stake in Nigeria, to join hands with every willing party to champion a pan-Nigeria agenda. We do not seek any preferential or differential treatment from Nigeria.

“Ndigbo wants a Nigeria that works to maximize their security, prosperity, and happiness. Igbo also want a Nigeria that allows every part of Nigeria the latitude and opportunity to develop at their own pace. We want a national conversation to create a new and better Nigeria for all Nigerians.”

That historic declaration was witnessed by other eminent Nigerians like Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Chief Olu Falae, Prof Banji Akintoye, Yinka Odumakin, Olusegun Mimiko; Air Commodore Dan Sulaiman, Dr. John Darah, Chief Edwin Clark, among others.

It is equally recalled that Igbo political, traditional and socio-cultural leadership met at Nike Lake Resort Hotel, Enugu, on July 1, 2017 at the height of the IPOB agitation that left the region tense.

In a seven-point communiqué read by Governor Dave Umahi of Ebonyi State, they voted for restructuring, adding that “Ndigbos are in support of a united Nigeria, where peace, love, fairness, justice, equity and equality of opportunity are paramount, regardless of creed, ethnicity, gender or political affiliation”.

The formwork of that resolution, we were later made to understand, was a position paper by Senator Ekweremadu entitled, “Biafra: The Legal, Political, Economic, and Social Questions”.

In that treatise, which was later widely published, Ekweremadu embarked on a realistic, holistic, historic, and all-round dissection of the pros and cons of secession, concluding that “Ndigbo will thrive, probably more than other regions, under a federal structure that guarantees substantial autonomy, justice, equity, security, and prosperity for Ndigbo wherever they live”.

Indeed, it is for their support for a united, but restructured Nigeria, over secession that the Igbo political leaders have become targets of physical assaults, threats, lies, and propaganda by IPOB and their brainwashed separatists. But both want justice for Ndigbo, however, through different routes.

Instructively, Ezeigbo Gburugburu, Dim Odumegwu Ojukwu, was unequivocal about his stand on the future of Ndigbo in Nigeria.

Delivering the 2nd “The Sunday Newspaper” (TSM) Diamond Lecture in Lagos on February 22, 1994, Ikemba said: “I do not deny the fact of secession in 1967. This is a historical fact. What I deny is that the Igbo community to which I belong has been planning for secession. Secession is not like cocaine – it is not addictive. Today, I have more reasons to seek a better Nigeria”.

Besides, the Bible, in Matthew 6:21 says that where a man’s treasure is, there also lies his heart. No part of Nigeria rivals Ndigbo in the number of their people or the quantum of their investments outside their ancestral lands. It is only the Igbo man that goes to Kaura Namoda village and develops it like his home.

Until recently, the road linking Gudu Market and Lokogoma in Abuja was impassable and abandoned by FCT authorities. Once an Igbo business, Ebeano Supermarket, came to the area, they constructed it last year. Igbo are actually the number one true Nigerians, for a people bent on secession would not be investing their lives outside Igboland. Those saying that they are uncomfortable with the idea of Igbo presidency are simply uncharitable.

It is noteworthy that pro-Biafra agitations have been loudest under President Muhammadu Buhari, because of his leadership style, which is excluding Ndigbo and asphyxiating their legitimate aspirations.

After all, Kanu was a nobody before Buhari’s advent, which made him a “hero” out of him through unnecessary incarceration, trial and discriminatory policies against Ndigbo.

To make the matter worse, Buhari’s administration proscribed the unarmed organisation as a terrorist group while saying nothing about the armed Fulani herdsmen ravaging the country.

Meanwhile, it is unfair to profile or mischaracterise Ndigbo based on Biafra agitations and IPOB’s excesses. Boko Haram and ISWAP have not hidden their intension to carve out an Islamic state in Nigeria. They control territories in the North East and even appoint “governors” who administer them and collect taxes.

That didn’t disqualify Atiku Abubakar or North East from vying for the presidency. Bandits and some criminal herdsmen have been sacking and plundering villages in the North West and across the country. Did that disqualify Buhari or translate to a northern narrative?

The Niger Delta region produced Goodluck Jonathan despite blowing up pipelines and engaging in economic sabotage to press home their quest for justice. The activities and antecedents of the Odua Peoples Congress (OPC) are well known. Yet the South West has produced Olusegun Obasanjo and Yemi Osinbajo, while OPC leader, Gani Adams, was appointed the Are-ona-Kakanfo (Generalissimo) of Yorubaland.

So, why should IPOB be the yardstick to measure Igbo patriotism and suitability for the presidency? Therefore, I agree with Governor of Enugu State and National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Dr. Okwesilieze Nwodo, that denying Ndigbo the presidency come 2023 is what could actually trigger an organic BiafraExit, not their election as president.

Denying them the opportunity will make it clear that Ndigbo are unwanted and the political elites might have no option than succumb to the Biafra agitation. Otherwise, what will they go home to tell their people again?

Ndigbo have paid their dues in Nigeria and have what it takes to turn the country around. They merit the support of the rest of Nigeria to produce the next President of Nigeria and end the lingering feeling of the Nigeria-Biafra civil war, restore national unity and move Nigeria forward.

––Dr. Law Mefor, a forensic/social psychologist and journalist, writes from Abuja; email: drlawmefor@gmail.com; tweet @LawMefor1

Insurgents Penetrating Nigeria’s North-West, Expanding To South – U.S.

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bvichannel1

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August 7, 2020

The United States has called on the Nigerian government to take the lead in the fight against insurgency in the country.

The Commander of U.S. Special Operations Command in Africa, Major General Dagvin Anderson, gave the advice at a digital press briefing on Wednesday.

He said the insurgents have started penetrating the north-western part of the country where they were already making some inroads, adding that they were looking to expand further south into the coastal areas.

Anderson said the U.S. would continue to support the Nigerian government with intelligence sharing on what the terrorists are doing.

He noted that this would also include supplying constant information on the operations of the insurgents in Borno State and the North-West.

The major general stated that for international efforts to yield desired results in the fight against terrorism in Nigeria, the government must take the lead.

He made the remarks while responding to questions from journalists about the insurgency in Nigeria which has claimed many lives and displaced millions of people in the North East.

The briefing was organised to discuss U.S. partnerships with African nations to reduce extremism, combat terrorist organisations, and bring about peace and prosperity throughout the African continent.

Read excerpts of Major General Anderson’s comments on the insurgency in Nigeria below:

When it comes to Nigeria in general, Nigeria, obviously, is a critical nation to West Africa. It is huge just in its economy, in its population, and just its influence in the region. It is a critical nation and we realise that Nigeria is a lynchpin.

For that to have an effect against the VEOs and to have an effect against these stressors, it really takes the Government of Nigeria to lead that effort and to build that energy to coalesce around. So no nation can come in and fix that problem for Nigeria.

We can assist with that – and it’s the United States can assist, the United Kingdom, other countries can come in, many countries can come and assist with that partnership – but ultimately it takes leadership from Nigeria in order for us to focus our efforts. We need to understand where Nigeria wants to focus those efforts so we can partner appropriately to have the best effect.

We have partnered with great effect with Nigeria in counterterrorism in the past. We have had good engagements with their air force in particular and providing C-208 capability, which is a light, fixed-wing ISR [intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance] platform, very capable, and we’ve had good engagement.

We have had good engagements with their air force in integrating their air force with their ground forces in order to make their air force more effective. Nigeria is a large country, it’s got a lot of territories to cover, and so it’s critical that they have that air component and that air engagement. So, we have had positive engagements there.

Recently, the Nigerian coast guard went out and rescued some Chinese fishermen that were adrift out off their coast. That was a combination of engagement from the U.S., where the U.S. had engaged with their maritime forces and helped build their maritime awareness along their coast.

And that was in partnership with their neighbours in Togo and Benin as well, who helped with that whole operation to understand the intelligence that led them to where these fishermen were, but then it was the unit that went out and did that was a Nigerian special operations unit that our Navy SEALs had trained a few years previously.

So sometimes it’s not the immediate effect, it’s the effect that happens two or three years later as you combine these engagements that have a greater effect later on. I know that’s just one small example and it’s not directly against terrorism, but being able to engage in that maritime domain and to be able to understand what’s going on out there is critical, and that has been an engagement the United States has had over several years with Nigeria and those other coastal states in both the naval and the special operations forces.

More directly to his point, we have engaged with Nigeria and continue to engage with them in intel sharing and in understanding what these violent extremists are doing, and that has been absolutely critical to their engagements up in the Borno State and into an emerging area of northwest Nigeria that we’re seeing al-Qaida starting to make some inroads in.

So, this intelligence sharing is absolutely vital and we stay fully engaged with the Government of Nigeria to provide them an understanding of what these terrorists are doing, what Boko Haram is doing, what ISIS-West Africa is doing, and how ISIS and al-Qaida are looking to expand further south into the littoral areas.

So these are all places where we stay engaged and we stay in great partnership with Nigeria, but I share the – and I can’t remember who asked the question, unfortunately, but I share the sentiment that it is quite disturbing that despite all this assistance, the VEOs are continuing to make progress and continuing to be a threat.

I think there are two factors in that. One, it goes to that each government has to focus on this and provide that focus for international partners to engage with. The other partner – the other part of this is we can’t underestimate the threat these violent extremist organizations pose.

We, as a community of international nations, keep thinking we have defeated them, or we have put them on their back foot and that they’re just moments from disintegration. I think after 20 years we have seen they are very resilient organisations that, although small, they’re able to leverage social media and other forms of media to have an outsized voice and that they continue to recruit and they continue to find opportunities.

And so, they have evolved. What they were in the ’90s and what they preyed upon in the ’90s is different than what we saw in the 2000s in Afghanistan and then in Iraq, and now as we see them come back into Africa and engage more in Africa, we see them exploit other grievances and other divides.

So, we see them being very resilient, creative, and flexible. So I’d ask all of the partners, all of our partners, not to underestimate the threat and not to underestimate what they’re capable of doing and that they are very patient and that they are willing to look for opportunities as they emerge.

So, you can’t just say ‘we’ve defeated them,’ you have to continue to address weaknesses and places where these terrorist groups can – that they can exploit.

Bitter Lessons From IPOB Versus Ohanaeze Unity Meeting

By

bvichannel1

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August 7, 2020

The recent unity/apology meeting embarked upon by IPOB leadership at the gathering of executives of apex Igbo socio-cultural organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, exposed a lot of issues that hitherto was hidden from gullible and unsuspecting members of the subdued pro-Biafra group. In fact, if anything, it completely tore the veil between the world of lies and truth, light and darkness.

When few days ago, we woke to the cheering news that the continued back and forth and fisticuff combat between IPOB and Ohanaeze Ndigbo was dragging to an end, following a peace accord brokered between the duo by first Republic Aviation Minister, Chief Mbazulike Amaechi, at his hometown in Anambra state, we had heaved a sigh of relief believing it signalled an end to the discordant tunes being sang by both parties but little did we know that the fight is still far from being over.

Kanu, during his Wednesday radio broadcast, expressed disappointment and a fit of rage over the newspaper publication of the discussion and details of the meeting between Ohanaeze and the duo of former IPOB detainee, Benjamin Madubugwu and Aloy Ejimakor, Esq, who were both his representatives at the meeting which appear to have become the last straw that broke the camel’s back with Kanu vowing not to have anything again to do with the Igbo organization.

Irrespective of the circumstances surrounding the exposé of the issues canvassed at the meeting between the two groups, there’s no gainsaying or denial that Chief John Nnia Nwodo was able to, at least, establish an already known fact about Nnamdi Kanu and his fazed agitation for a sovereign state. The Igbo leader’s submission was pointing towards one thing — Kanu was not toeing the right path in his agitation; he has lost focus and direction no matter how sanctimonious he tried to appear before his gullible followers.

Because Kanu has been sanctimoniously appearing in the eyes of his unsuspecting audience, the exposure of the details of the meeting with Ohanaeze did not go down well with him hence he threatened to ostracize and terminate any link he has with the group he has been begging to assist him untag IPOB as a terror group.

Anyone that read that piece of article(as published on Vanguard newspaper) would not find it difficult to understand that IPOB/Nnamdi Kanu are the very ones begging Ohanaeze Ndigbo for unity and not the other way round as they would have their unreasonable members believe.

Reading this article easily exposed a lot of things about IPOB and its leader’s total loss of focus and direction as Ohanaeze adversely averred that Kanu had nothing to offer other than abuse, insult and belligerent behaviours which informed its decision to advise him to emulate Tony Nnadi, Secretary-General of LNC who has been going about his agitation in a learned and intellectual manner devoid of insults, abuse, brigandage, noisemaking, showmanship, sychophancy, and other charades Kanu and his group brandish against our people in the name of Biafra agitation. You have seen that the same Tony Nnadi, IPOB and Kanu’s followers insult and denigrate has today become a shining example that they should learn from because Ohanaeze have seen seriousness, diligency and resoluteness in Nnadi’s methodology and the manner he have been pursuing his agitation without rancour or noise making or looking for who to insult or engage in a running battle with like IPOB and Kanu does every now and then with people.

It also goes a long way to show that Ohanaeze had since uncovered their fraudulent modus operandi being the reason behind IPOB’s clandestine plea for its deproscription and untagging as terrorist organization.

Come to think of it, Madubugwu told Ohanaeze in the course of the apology meeting to forgive Kanu’s brigandage and madness, saying he acts on distorted information at his disposal, meaning that Kanu doesn’t verify most of the information(s) he dishes out to the public via his radio and social media platforms.

The bottomline is that any sensible or reasonable IPOB member by the virtue of this exposé(s) embedded in this onerous piece, by now, should know better who is getting it right and who has been an empty vessel that produces the loudest noise. If he or she can easily discern the lessons learnt from this discuss and submissions by both IPOB representatives and Ohanaeze, then his or her eyes would be opened with hindsight to find out the truth about the organization or leader he or she claims to be following. Well, I don’t have much to say but whoever has left or dropped his towel at his place of bathe should go there and pick it up before it’s too late.

IPOB Asks Ohanaeze To Help De-proscribe Group

By Vanguard Newspaper

The Indigenous People Biafra, IPOB, has called on Ohanaeze Ndigbo to assist it in working towards the deproscribing of IPOB.

As a consolidation of the peace accord
recently established between IPOB and Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the leadership of IPOB on Tuesday visited Ohanaeze Ndigbo National Executive Committee, NEC, at their monthly meeting.

Led by one of its principal officers, Mazi
Benjamin Madubugwu, IPOB said that they came in continuation of the rapport reached with Ohanaeze at the Anambra State reconciliation meeting.

Mazi Madubugwu said that there was an Igbo proverb which says that no matter how much a warrior is derided, he is always sought after when there is an outbreak of war.

The IPOB leader said that Nwodo remained the undisputed leader of Ndigbo and expressed happiness with his fatherly disposition and fight for the Igbo in a country.

He said Ndigbo were highly marginalised notwithstanding their contribution to the building of the Nigerian nation.

Mazi Madubugwu said that IPOB was not a terrorist organization, adding that it was just being given a bad name to hang it.

The IPOB leader said that most of the actions of their master, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, had been coloured by the information given to him which he said, were sometimes distorted.

He assured that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu was always available for discussions with Chief Nwodo on matters concerning the Igbo.

Also speaking, another leader of IPOB Barrister Ejimakor, said that Chief Nwodo has the clout and charisma to help out of its present predicament, adding that he was happy that the gap hitherto existing between IPOB and Ohanaeze Ndigbo had been bridged for a united voice for Ndigbo in Nigeria.

Responding, the President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief Nnia Nwodo, welcomed the IPOB leaders, reassuring them that he was always ready to accept his children back into the fold no matter their earlier recalcitrance.

Nwodo recalled all efforts he had made to establish an amicable and complimentary relationship with IPOB since assuming office but were frustrated by the IPOB leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu.

He stated that Ohanaeze Ndigbo had no quarrel with Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and that he believed that whatever evil machinations of detractors has come to nought with the recent reapproachment between the two groups.

Nwodo prayed that this latest development should be the opening of the door for mutual cooperation between IPOB and Ohanaeze Ndigbo, urged IPOB to also share views with Mr Tony Nnadi whom he said was working towards the same objective.

The President General called on Mazi Kanu to change his tactics of abuse and belligerence as a step towards building bridges for Ndigbo in the country.

Nwodo reiterated that both IPOB and
Ohanaeze Ndigbo share in the same cause of fighting to emancipate Ndigbo and give them a lease of life and sense of fairness in the country but differ in the methodology or approach towards the realization of the objective.

He stated that Ohanaeze Ndigbo still believes in dialogue and the restructuring of the country for an inclusive participation in the Nigeria project.