NINTH President General of apex Igbo socio-cultural organisation, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief John Nnia Nwodo, 65, a lawyer, economist, and former minister, was in Lagos, last Thursday, to address Ndigbo in the state on restructuring and why they must unite, end their differences and hold credible Ohanaeze election in the state.
ON why he visited and addressed Ndigbo in Lagos.
Out of the 36 states of Nigeria apart from the seven states where Igbo are aborigines, there is no state that has more Igbo population than Lagos. The size of the Igbo in Lagos is more than the population of some states. Igbo in Lagos are hard working. Igbo investments in Lagos State are more than Igbo investment in the entire Igbo Nation. Igbo’s contribution to the economy of Lagos is not less than 40 percent of the internally generated revenue of the state. Our exposure in Lagos is huge but not commensurate with the attention we are getting in Lagos. There are no fewer than four million Igbo in Lagos but there is no Igbo in the Lagos executive council. They destroy Igbo shops and business centres without inviting them for discussion. They forcefully relocate Igbo businesses even when they did not violate the law. What is bad is bad. Nigeria’s constitution guarantees every citizen right to free citizenship wherever you live. Will Lagos be different? The problems Igbo are having in Lagos Ohanaeze are giving us sleepless nights in Enugu. That is why I am here to plead with Igbo in Lagos: forgive and forget your bitterness and reconcile. With unity, Igbo will get their dues in Lagos. Ohanaeze leadership has no candidate in the fresh Ohanaeze election in Lagos. The previous election held without following the directives of Ohanaeze National Executive Committee, NEC, remains null and void. The fresh election will include all aspirants, new aspirants and those who took part in the first election. Igbo in Lagos must select a credible, truthful and well to do candidate to lead them. I will monitor and ensure a transparent election.
On agitation for Biafra and Igbo youths criticising Ohanaeze leaders of killing Biafra and Biafrans
Nobody should touch these youths because they re my children. Whether I agree with them or not, they have a right to express themselves. When I was their age I was in the trench of Biafra fighting. I am not sure that anyone of them has heard the sound of a gun. I lost my best friend, who was with me in the trench; a mortar caught him in the chest and he died instantly. Anybody at my age who does not speak the truth is not doing himself any good. Ohanaeze does not support war; we support restructuring, which will allow the federating units in Nigeria to take charge of their affairs. Our young men must learn; we know better than them and they must learn to listen to us. In order to get a pride of place for every Nigerian, we must ask ourselves how do we do it. If we go back to the trenches to fight, we are doing a disservice to this nation; we are doing a disservice to our children. More than half a million Igbo died in the war.
One and half million starved to death. There was a blockade of Biafra during the war. If four planes were bringing relief materials to Biafra, only one landed. After the war another one million, children of two to three years became orphans with nobody to take care of them. Many of them were scattered all over the world, suffering. I am alive today because of the grace of God. I could have died on the war front like my best friend, the son of Hon. BC Ugwu. My late friend and I were from privileged backgrounds and attended the best schools both at home and abroad but we went to war. You cannot be an adult and not fight the war during my youth. I don’t want that to happen to these young ones. With jaw-jaw instead of war, we can address the problems of the country. Why I am recalling these is, anybody who plans to bring another war on Igbo land, I, John Nnia Nwodo, will be a saboteur. Look at the states fighting for independence across the world and how they are doing it. Catalonia (in Spain) went for a referendum organised by a regional government. How can you organise a referendum in a country (Nigeria) where you don’t have regions? But even at that, with 87 percent ‘yes’ for independence for Catalonia at the referendum, the European Union opposed it and the Spanish Government went after Catalonia regional leaders. You cannot get self-determination and referendum in Nigeria unless through the legislature, which is dominated by those opposed to it. The Federal Government supports self-determination in Morocco (Western Sahara) but not in Nigeria. To get self-determination and referendum without the National Assembly, you have to use the African Union and get the resolution of the United Nations. To get UN resolution for self-determination in former colonies, you must get the backing of the former colonial masters. The British High Commissioner in Nigeria is against it and the UN must defer to the UK since we were British colony That is why Ohanaeze wants the restructuring of Nigeria. Let everyone support the restructuring of the country. South-East under siege, Igbo youths agitation in order We are being treated like defeated people in Nigeria.
The South-East is under siege. I understand why our youths are angry. In the 2018 budget proposal, for example, the South-East has the least allocation for capital projects, which means we are regarded as second-class citizens. The cry of the Igbo youths is good because it shows that they are angry but I disagree with their strategy. Let us support restructuring. With the restructuring, Anambra, for example, will have state police and take care of its security arrangements without waiting for the Federal Government. The states will control their resources, keep 50 percent of their revenue, and contribute 50 percent to the centre, which is further shared among all tiers of government. The Federal Government will use its share to handle functions like immigration, customs, central banking regulations and aviation regulation, external affairs, and external defence. The Federal Government will not be involved with health, education, environment, oil and mineral resources. That was how it was before and after independence. The Federal Government has no business with education. In the past the regions handled education. In our days, we had foreigners as classmates in Nigeria. Our universities were among the best in the world. The quality of education was very high. Our graduates were accepted and could get jobs in any part of the world. But today, the quality of education is down because of quota system. This problem will be addressed with restructuring. When oil was discovered at Oloibiri in the late 50s, it belonged to the Eastern Nigeria Government, and my father, Chief John Nnia Nwodo (Snr.), had the privilege of commissioning the first oil well as the minister of Industry of Eastern Nigeria. Then, we were practising true federalism. We are no longer practising federalism but call ourselves Federal Republic of Nigeria. Why Nigeria must be restructured The military wrote the 1999 Constitution. Justice Niki Tobi led the committee that wrote the constitution. As the Chief Spokesman of the government, I did not participate in the making of the constitution. It is the constitution that gave rise to the National Assembly. So the National Assembly cannot give us a new constitution. The 1999 constitution was drafted by the military. There was no constituent assembly; there was no referendum. Nobody in this country voted for this constitution. It was an imposition by a military government. So, the constitution is not authoctonous, that is it was not brought by the people. We have asked for a conference of all the peoples of Nigeria. We have started a meeting of Southern Leaders Forum constituting of the South East as represented by Ohanaeze, South West as represented by Afenifere, and South-South as represented the Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF). We have reached a resolution that we want restructuring and the Middle Belt of Nigeria has joined us. Last week, Northern senators issued a rejoinder to our position on restructuring, saying that we are heating up the polity but they did not address the points we raised.
On Igbo taking their destinies into their hands
During the recent quit notice to Igbo living in the North by Arewa youths, the Ohanaeze compiled a register of Igbo living in the North. In the register, there are 11.6 million Igbo in Northern Nigeria. We will generate the same register for Igbo living in Lagos. If half of the Igbo adults pay a monthly contribution of N100, we will build any infrastructure we want. That was how Catalonia started.
Architect, Lawyer, Businessman and Alumnus of Kings College.
Vice President of Nigeria from 1979 to 1983.
Conceptualized Nigeria’s 6 region structure.
Led G-34, a collection of patriots and eminient statesmen to confront Late Gen. Sani Abacha on his self succession bid.
Called for a constitutional provision recognising MKO Abiola, and installing him as Nigeria’s President.
Provided leadership for the transmutation of G-34 into the People’s Democratic Party.
Remained faithful to the cause of the party till death inspite of failure to obtain the support of party men and women for his presidential ambition.
With a bachelor’s degree in architecture and city planning and a master’s degree in urban planning. He also earned degrees in sociology, history, philosophy and law from the University of London. He later proceeded to obtain a Ph.D in architecture from the University of Strathclyde, before gaining the BL (honours) degree from the Nigerian Law School. Arguably one of Nigeria’s most educated politicians ever, with two first degrees and two Phds. He was the intellectual center for the political structuring of modern Nigeria.
A tribunal set up to try him by the Buhari/Idiagbon military junta in 1984 returned the following verdict:
“Dr. Ekwueme left office poorer than he was when he entered it, and to ask more from him was to set a standard which even saints could not meet.”
Yet as is with life for every mortal…..the sun sets.
Adieu Sir, you served with heart and class, and you wrote your name in gold.
BVI Channel gathered that Trump was not happy with the United Nations.In an interview with a foreign correspondent ,Trump said that UN are hypocrites, loyal to lslam and that he does not need their approval to do the right thing.
President Trump in an interview by an American leading media made some speech regarding his declaration of Jerusalem as Israel capital.
He said:
My coming into power brought an end to the unofficial defeat of ISIL , the total annihilation of Islamic extremists in Syria which warranted the withdrawal of Russia troops by Putin. This were done just within a year after I was sworn in.
The UN was there witnessing the massacre of the Christians across the globe and did nothing, terrorism was on the rise and they(UN) did nothing.
But barely four days of my declaration of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, the UN summoned a security summit within the shortest notice.
I have said it before and am saying it again that UN’s gathering is like a gathering of market women’ which after they’re done deliberating and decisions are made; it ends right there in Geneva.
The UN seat is filled with Muslims and people who are loyal to the Arabs, they are all hypocrites and cannot be trusted,Jerusalem declaration was long over due and they know it but they kept quiet .i do not need anybody’s permission to do what is right, Trump said.
(1) Laws of Teamwork- Application to the Biafran Struggle
(2) The Polimatics of Governance in the Biafran Nation
(3) Social Intelligence and Leadership Strategies in the Biafran Struggle
(4) Managing Unmanageable People
(5) The Application of Vision Congruency to the Biafran Struggle
Laws of Teamwork- Application to the Biafran Struggle:
INTRODUCTION:
First Law:
The Law of Compatibility:
What we are about to study now in the Laws of Teamwork is not new to most of us but certainly new in their application to the Biafran Struggle. The First Law of Teamwork is actually a spiritual law that stipulates that “Two cannot work together except their hearts and minds are in agreement”. This spiritual law is actually recorded in Amos 3:3 in the Bible. It speaks in absolute term. “Two cannot work together unless they are in agreement”. You cannot force them to work together. It is impossible. They can work separately for the common good provided that they do not work as rival cults but as complimentary comrades.
One person does not make a team. It takes at least two persons to make a team. In every team, there must be a team leader and team players even if the leadership functions are shared between the people. We are all leaders and followers at different levels of authority. Please take note of the term I have used. I said levels of authority and not levels of power. I hope we know the difference between Power and Authority. In contemporary social science, there is debate about the two terms. Some social scientists use the two terms synonymously while others differentiate them. In Law, we differentiate the two terms. In simple definition, authority is the right to do something while power is the ability to do it. A person may have the right to do something but has no power to do it while another may have the power to do something but has no right to do it.
All of us are leaders and followers at different levels of authority. You may think that the Pastor of a Church is the leader of the church but when you see the little girl called the Worship Leader on the pulpit, you will know that she is a leader. Everybody will obey her as she gives the command. She asks everybody to stand up and they will stand. Jump up and they will jump. Clap your hands and they will clap. Turn to the person on your left and smile and shake hands with him or her and they will obey. Shout Hallelujah and they will shout. At that stage of the process, the little girl is leading everybody including the Pastor and all will obey her. What is she exercising? She is exercising authority because she was appointed to the position of a worship leader. She has no power to compel you to obey her but you obey her because she is in authority.
Now, let us use the Football Team as an example of Teamwork. What do you think the Football Team should have or should do in order to win the match? Or, put in another way, what are the requirements for a Football Team to perform excellently and win the match?
(a) Selection of the Winning Team: There must be a Team selected for the match. Members of the Football Team may be hundreds or thousands but the best eleven players will be selected to play the match. Selection of the Team players is the foundation that determines whether the Team will fail or succeed. Who selects the players? The Team Leader. So there must be team leaders and team players in teamwork. Four groups of people emerge in this example, namely:
(i) The Team Leaders
(ii) The Team Players
(iii) Team Members not selected to play
(iv) Spectators who are neither members nor players.
(b) Synergy of the Eleven Players: The players are placed in the positions where each has the best skill. Some are at the back, others playing the midfields, others playing the left and right wings, etc. Their aim is to score the winning goal. They coordinate their fieldwork very well, passing the ball to one another without allowing the opponents to take the ball until they pass it to their team player who is at the vantage position to strike it into the goalpost. Only one person’s leg will strike the ball into the goalpost. He scores the goal and all will rejoice together because the Team has worn the match. The victory belongs to all of them.
(c) Obedience to Leadership: There are different styles of leadership which we shall examine later. Some leaders force and manipulate their followers into obedience; some intimidate their followers into obedience; some influence their followers with financial enticements; some use what the bible describes as “enticing words of men’s wisdom, feign words, manipulative power of words” to win followers while others win the people by good examples of leadership. Today we shall not discuss the different types of leadership styles and the most appropriate for the Biafrans. Whatever method of leadership, whether coercive, manipulative, fraudulent or genuine, it is clear that the leader will have some followers. This is why false teachers and false prophets have multitude of followers. The players are required to obey their team leader. It takes humility to obey and follow the leader. We shall yet discuss leadership styles but for now, it is sufficient to emphasise that the players are required to humble themselves and obey their leader.
Somebody must be in charge of the affairs of the Organization at any given time. Every person is required to obey the person in charge. The leader is the person who knows the way, goes the way and shows the way.
The Law of Preparation:
The discipline required to prepare oneself for a major battle or for an encounter with an opponent determines success or failure. The example of the football team we used in the beginning comes handy again. Have you noticed that the players are required to exercise and practise regularly to keep themselves healthy and fit for the match? In the same way, a student who wants to pass his exam must prepare very well for it. In the case of the Biafrans, I do not know how many are preparing themselves for the great task ahead. The things I have observed among the Biafrans have made me to wonder whether we are not wasting our time and resources. Are the Biafrans prepared now for independence? For those advocating for violence, are the Biafrans prepared now to engage Nigeria in a battlefield of war? For those advocating for the use of political power, are the Biafrans prepared to wrestle political power from their opponents? Another great question, are the Biafrans prepared now to govern themselves if they are granted Independence in this month of August 2016?
There is something called a Nation-In-Waiting in the jurisprudence of self-determination based on the expectation that a new nation shall be born. It is akin to a child who is conceived and stays in the womb for nine months before coming into the world. Now, what do you think will happen if that child is not properly formed in the womb before his birth into the world? We have seen that some premature babies die at birth while some are put in the intensive care units and administered with drugs by doctors and nurses until they survive.
The essential rules for the child to be born alive are as follows:
(1) The mother should be careful with the pregnancy- not quarrelsome, not fighting against everybody;
(2) The mother should stay healthy because the life of the child depends on her own life;
(3) The mother should not boast before her neighbours that her unborn child will be great and conquer the world;
(4) Even if the child is destined to be King, the mother should not disclose his destiny to the world otherwise the ruling king will kill the child at birth; see Matt. 2: 1 – 23.
(5) The mother should not activate the spirit of jealousy in those who are not blessed with pregnancy;
A pregnant woman is vulnerable. A nation-in-waiting is also vulnerable. If the pregnant mother does not abide by these rules, the child may be aborted. The neighbours may conspire to kill her and the child. Let us apply these rules to the Biafran Struggle. It is sad that one of the Biafran activists and his followers have created enmity between the Nation-In-Waiting and our neighbours. Many people are now afraid of the coming of Biafra instead of waiting for it with joy.
Those misguided Biafrans boast a lot. Without getting their independence, they are already boasting of what they will do to some of us who do not believe in their methodology; what they will do to the British, to the Americans, to the Igbo leaders and elders who they accuse of being traitors and saboteurs.
We shall yet talk about a nation-in-waiting in another lecture. We shall meet it in Policy and Strategies, Polimatics and Social Intelligence as applicable to the Biafran Struggle. You heard that Nigeria got Independence in 1960 but became a Republic in 1963 after three years. Also Trinidad and Tobago became a Republic after 18 years of gaining Independence. Do you know the difference? We shall discuss these issues later.
The time for preparation provides us with the opportunity to either give birth to a great nation and get it right or lose it forever. It is in this period of preparation that we must learn the art of governance, public accountability, obedience to leadership, humility, submission to authorities, due process, etc. I have encountered two people in the Biafran Struggle who have become subject of Case Studies. Both of them were leaders who were required to provide records of accounts and reports of their stewardship but they started to insult us, abuse us, accuse us, and speak all manner of evils against us. In fact, one of them was asked to produce the record of all the members who have paid their dues for the five years we have operated under this Legal and Diplomatic Method but he lost all his senses of decency and became mad at us.
If we do not learn the discipline of probity and public accountability now, surely the corruption in Biafra would be monumental. In fact, the leaders of Biafra would steal all the money in the Biafran Central Bank and burn down the buildings and all the records! Are the Biafrans prepared now to govern themselves?
As Buhari marked 75 years ,BVI Channel 1 went searching to know the mindset of the President of the Giant of Africa.One of such stories about Buhari is an interview conducted by Sun Publishers when Buhari marked 70th year Birthday.Many of Igbo people believed that Buhari hates them and they have their reasons for that.Read the interview below to know why:
What kind of childhood did you have?
Well, from my father’s side, we are Fulanis. You know the Fulanis are really divided into two. There are nomads, the ones that if you drive from Maiduguri and many parts of the North you will find. They are even in parts of Delta now. And there are those who settled. They are cousins and the same people actually. From my mother’s side and on her father’s side, we are Kanuris from Kukawa.
Where’s Kukawa?
Kukawa is in Borno State. We are Kanuris. On her mother’s side, we are Hausas. So, you can see I am Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri combined (he laughs). I am the 23rd child of my father. Twenty-third and the 13th on my mother side. There are only two of us remaining now; my sister and I. I went to school, primary school, in Daura and Kaduna, also a primary school, in Kachia. I also attended Kaduna Provincial Secondary School, now Government College. I didn’t work for a day. I joined the military in 1962.
You mean as a boy soldier?
No, after school certificate. There was an officer cadet school from here in Kaduna, called Nigeria Military Training College then. In April 1962, I went to the United Kingdom (UK), Mons Officers Cadet School.
You mean the famous Mons Officers…?
Yes. And when I was commissioned, I came back and I was posted to 2nd Infantry Battalion in Abeokuta. That was my first posting. The battalion was in the Democratic Republic of Congo. I went there. When I came back from there, I was first in Lagos, as Transport Officer. That was where I was till the January coup. I was posted back to my battalion and we were posted to Kaduna here. And then, there was a counter coup, civil war, coup and counter-coup. We participated. I too was overthrown and detained for more than three years. And having had that major political setback when I was made a head of state and then, ended up in detention, I went out and eventually, I decided to join party politics, participated three times and lost as presidential candidate and I am still in and fighting.
You have never given up?
Even though I said at some stage that I wouldn’t present myself for candidature again, I said I remain in party politics as long as I have breath in me.
Your Excellency, why did you join the Army?
The interest was built while I was in secondary school. The emirs of Katsina, from Dukko, were known to be interested in the military. They always have members of the military or police in their family right from World War 11. One of the emirs of Kaduna-Dikko died in Burma. And of course, everybody in the country knows General Hassan, the son of the Emir of Katsina. He was grandson of Emir Dukko. So, when General Hassan was in Sandhurst, we were in secondary school in Kaduna. His father, the Emir of Katsina, Usman Nagogo, used to ask him to go and talk to the senior students who were in form four to six, to get them interested in the military. And we were told that he deliberately wanted a military cadet unit in Kaduna Secondary School. Then, it was limited to Federal Government Colleges or Government Colleges and we had a military cadet unit, which I joined. That was the transition?
That was where the interest started.
Did your parents object to it?
No. Well, I didn’t know my father really.
Oh! How old were you when he died?
I think I was about three, four years? I couldn’t remember his face. The only thing I could recall about my father was the horse because it threw me down. We were on the horse with one of my half brothers going to water it and then, it tripped and I fell. It stepped on me. So, that is the only impression I have of him. That is the only thing I could recall.
What of your mother?
Oh! my mother died in 1988 when I was in detention.
Ok, I remember then the controversy of allowing you to go and see her buried. Did they eventually allow you?
No.
Then it was quite an issue …
Yeah, it became an issue; so I was immediately released after she was buried.
You didn’t see her buried?
No.
It was after you were released you then went to her grave and all that?
Exactly!
What kind of childhood did you then have?
Well, you know communities then were living communal life. Clearly, I could recall I reared cattle. We had cattle; we had sheep and then, there was good neighbourhood. Not many children had the opportunity to go to school, but I went to school. I left home at the age of 10 or 11 and went to school, like I said. And I was in the boarding school for nine years. In primary school and secondary school, I was in the boarding house and from there, I went straight into the Army.
So, you have always been on your own?
In those days, there were not many schools and the teachers then were professionals. They were working teachers and were committed. And teachers then treated the children as if they were their own students. You were made to work and if you don’t, they never spared the cane really. So, I was lucky to be in the boarding school for my impressionable years, nine years. I was very lucky.
Did you play any pranks as a young person?
Oh, certainly!
What where the things you did?
(Laughs) I wouldn’t like to mention them.
Tell us some of them…
We used to raid the emir’s orchard for mangoes mainly. Of course, unfortunately we were caught and punished.
When people talk of Buhari today, they are looking at a disciplined man. Was it the boarding house that put you through that or the military? Was the boarding house part of where you got your Spartan, disciplined life?
Both did. As I told you, the teachers then treated their students as if they were their own children. So, we got the best of attention from teachers. And as I told you, they never spared the cane. You were meant to do your homework; you were meant to do the sports and clean up the environment, the compound and the area of the school and so on. And from that type of life, I moved into the military, the military of that time.
Would you say going into the military was the best thing that ever happened to you?
I think so, because from primary to secondary school and in the military, it will continue, both the academic and the physical one. I think it was so tough, but then, once it was inbuilt, it has to be sustained because you don’t contemplate failure.
You just succeed? Does it mean failure was not an option?
No. It was not.
Was it also the Fulani training of perseverance? Because when you have reared cattle, for those who have been doing it, they said it toughens you…
It did.
The sun is there, the rain and you are there with your cattle…
The period was remarkable, in the sense that those who are brought up in the city have limited space. If you are in a confined school, you learn from the school and what you see immediately. But the nomad life exposes you to nature. You will never learn enough of plants, of trees, of insects and of animals. Everyday you are learning something.
You have seen them and everyday you are learning. You will never know all of them. So, it is so vast that it takes a lot of whatever you can think of. And then, the difference again in the environment. In the Savannah, in the Sahel, after harvest, you can always see as high as your eyes can go. And then, at night when there is moon, it is fantastic. So, I enjoyed those days and they made a lasting impression in me.
What are the remarkable things you can think of during your military trainings?
Initially, from here in Kaduna, at the end of your training, the height of the field exercise was then conducted in two places. Here in southern Kaduna and somewhere in Kachia area. There was a thick belt in that forest. You go for field firing and so on. And then you go to Jos for map reading and endurance.
That was why mathematics at that level, the secondary school level, geometry and algebra, were absolutely necessary. It had always been, because to be a competent officer, you may be deployed to be in charge of artillery; physics, where you help find your position. Wherever you are from, you work it on the ground in degrees and so on. You have to do some mathematics.
We were in Jos. Again, I was made a leader of a small unit. We were given a map, a compass and you dare not cheat. If you are found out, you are taken 10 miles back. So, you have to go across the country. You find your way from the map; you go to certain points and on those points, mostly hills, you climb them and you will get a box. The weather there is cold. You put your own coat and you cover it over the hills and at the end of the exercise, part of your scorecards, are those marks you won or you lost. We arrived with one compass, which led us to a certain bushy hill.
In Jos?
Yes, in Jos. And it was night, dark and it was raining lightly and definitely, our compass led us to that hill, which means there was a point there. And there were five of us: myself, one Sierra Leonean or Ghanaian, one from Sokoto, and one other. I think the other person is Katsina Alu, the former Chief Justice.
You mean he was in the military?
He was. He did the training but he was never commissioned. He went to university and did Law. I went up to the hill. I picked the box. I copied the code, and I said if I were forced to join the Army, I would have left the following day because that place, a viper or a snake or something or hyena or lion could have finished me. But I said if I run away the following day, people would say well we knew you couldn’t make it, we knew you would be lazy. But because I voluntarily joined the Army, I said I have to be there. That is one point. The second one was when I was in training in the UK. I came there and we were drilled so much and at night again, we were on an exercise. We were putting our formation. In anyway position was created, and they fired at us. We went down automatically that day and by the time the commander asked us to move, I fell asleep. It must be few seconds, not up to a minute. That was how exhausted I was.
Was it really the cold or what?
It was cold. It was 1962. It was cold and it was rainy again just like in Plateau. Just between the time we went down and to move and climb the mountain, I fell asleep. So, those two moments, I would never forget them.
Who were your classmates in the military and in the officers’ training in the UK?
Well, the late Gen. Yar’Adua. I was together with him throughout the nine years primary, secondary school and in the military.
So, you have always been colleagues…?
We were together from childhood.
Ok, that is interesting. Who else?
Well, not the ones that are here. In the military, most of them did not reach the position I reached; myself, and Yar’Adua. They couldn’t make it.
Why did you choose the infantry and not the other arms? What was the attraction?
Maybe it was the training of the cadet unit in secondary school. I found the infantry much more challenging and when we were doing the training, the Federal Government decided that we were going to have the Air Force. So, I was invited. A team came from the Ministry of Defence to interview cadets that wanted to be fighter pilots in the Air Force. I was the first to be called in our group. I appeared before them and they told me that those who could pass the interview would be recommended to go to the Air Force training either in the UK, some went to Ethiopia or United States or Germany. So, they asked me whether I wanted to be a fighter pilot and I said no. They asked why, and I said I wasn’t interested. We were given three choices. Number one, maybe you went to infantry; number two, you went to reconnaissance then before they became armour and later, maybe artillery. So, all my three choices, I could recall vividly, I put infantry, infantry. So, they said why? I said because I liked infantry. And they asked if I wouldn’t like to be a fighter pilot. I said no, I didn’t want to join them. They said why. I said I hadn’t done physics. Normally, I did some mathematics but to be a fighter pilot, you must do some physics. They said no, that it was no problem, that I could have an additional one academic year. So, since I had some mathematics background, it was just one year purely to do physics and I would reach the grade required to be a pilot. I said no, I didn’t want it. They again asked why. I told them I chose infantry. The reason is: when I am fighting and I was shot at, if I was not hit, I can go down, turn back and take off by foot. They laughed and sent me out. So, I remained infantry officer.
Where were you during the coups and counter-coups? And what rank were you in the military then?
I was in Lagos, in the barracks, as transport officer. I was only a second lieutenant.
That was during the January 15, 1966 coup?
Yes, January 15, 1966.
The coup met you in Lagos?
Yes. I think that was my saddest day in the military because I happened to know some of the senior officers that were killed. In the transport company, after the 2nd Battalion and we came back, I was posted to Lagos to be a transport officer and in my platoon, we had staff cars and Landrovers. So, I knew the Army officers, from Ironsi, Maimalari, because I detailed vehicles for them every working day. So, I knew senior officers.
So, you were in contact with them?
I was in contact with them somehow because I was in charge of transportation.
Where were you that night of January 15 coup?
I was in Lagos.
Can you recall the circumstance, how you got to know?
The way I got to know was, my routine then was as early as about six in the morning, I used to drive to the garage to make sure that all vehicles for officers, from the General Officer Commanding (GOC), who was then General Ironsi, were roadworthy and the drivers would drive off. And then, I would go back to the Officers Mess in Yaba, where I would wash, have my breakfast and come back to the office. And around the railway crossing in Yaba, coming out from the barracks, we saw a wounded soldier. I stopped because I was in a Landrover. I picked him and asked what happened. He said he was in the late Maimalari’s house and they were having a party the previous night and the place was attacked. So, I took the soldier to the military hospital in Yaba and I asked after the commander. Maimalari, I think, was commander of 2 Brigade in Apapa. He was the 2 Brigade Commander. They said he was shot and killed.
Then, you didn’t know it was a coup?
Well, that became a coup. That was the time I really learnt it was a coup.
And then there was a counter-coup of July?
Yes, July.
Where were you at this time also?
I was in Lagos again. I was still in Lagos then at Apapa at 2 Brigade Transport Company.
And then, there was ethnic colouration and all that. And at a point, they asked some of you to go back to the North. Am I correct?
Yes, because I was posted back then to the battalion. That was in Abeokuta. It was first to Ikeja Cantonment, but after the counter-coup, we were taken to Lagos by train, the whole battalion.
Did you play any role in the counter-coup?
No! Not that I will tell you.
You know at 70, you are reminiscing. You are saying it the way it is, you don’t give a damn anymore…
Well, there was a coup. That is all I can tell you. I was a unit commander and certainly, there was a breakdown of law and order. So, I was posted to a combatant unit, although 2 Brigade Transport Company was a combatant unit. You know there were administrative and combatant units and the service unit, like health, education. Even transport, there are administrative ones, but there are combatant ones also.
The question I asked was, did you play any specific role?
No. I was too junior to play any specific role. I was just a lieutenant then. In 1966, January, I was a Second Lieutenant, but I was promoted, I think, around April, May, or June to Lieutenant.
And what were your impressions of that period?
You see, senior military officers had been killed and politicians, like Sardauna, Akintola, Okotie Eboh. They were killed. And then in the military, Maimalari, Yakubu Pam, Legima, Shodeinde, and Ademolegun; so really, it had a tribal tinge.
The first one?
Yes. And then, there was a counter.
One mistake gave birth to another one?
Certainly, certainly.
And then long years of military came?
Oh yes.
From 1967-75, it was Gowon. At that point in time, where were you?
When Gowon came into power, I wonder whether I would recall where I was. It was July 1967 that Gowon came in. That was when I was in Lagos. I was again in Lagos, then in the transport company.
Then he took over?
Yeah, Gowon took over or Gowon was installed.
Well, more like you…
(Laughs) Yes.
And then in 1967?
Civil war.
So, you have to give me that part because there are some books I have read, that featured your name. So, what were your experiences during the civil war?
Well, I told you that we were parked into the rail to Kaduna from Ikeja, 2nd Infantry Battalion and when states were created by General Gowon, police action was ordered; we were moved to the border in the East. We were not in Nsukka, but in Ogoja. We started from Ogoja.
And you took active part?
Yeah. Well, I was a junior officer.
Who was your GOC then?
My GOC was the late General Shuwa.
How did you feel during that period of the civil war? Did you think that when the first coup started, that civil war would just come?
No. I never felt so and I never hoped for it. Literally, you are trained to fight a war but you are not trained to fight a war within your own country. We would rather have enemies from outside your country to defend your country, but not to fight among yourselves.
Some of those officers you were fighting were your comrades…
They were.
You knew some of them.
Some of them were even my course mates. We were facing each other, like when we were in Awka sector. The person facing me was called Bob Akonobi. We were mates here. Robert Akonobi?
Robert Akonobi.
Who later became a governor?
Yes. He was my course mate here in Kaduna.
And there you were… Facing each other. It was really crazy.
It was. It was unfortunate, but it is part of our national development.
And the way we are going, you think it is a possibility again?
I don’t think so. No, I don’t think so.
After Gowon, Murtala came.
Yes.
By the time you were no longer a small officer…
No. I was just, I think, a colonel? Was it a lieutenant colonel or major? I think I was a lieutenant colonel.
But during the Obasanjo administration, you had become a minister, as it were.
No. I first became a governor when Murtala came, in North-East.
This same North East that is giving problem now.
Yes. I was there and there were six states then: Yobe, Borno, Bauchi, Gombe, Adamawa and Taraba.
And they were all under your control or command?
North East went up to Chad; anyway, they are on the same latitude with Lagos. The bottom before you start going on the Plateau, Mambilla Plateau, if you look here on the map, the same latitude was in Lagos and then, up to Chad. That was the extent of the whole North East.
Now, some of them can’t govern even one state…
They are now six states.
I know, but you governed six states and now, some of them have problems with one state…
Yes.
What were the challenges you faced governing the North East as a military governor?
Actually, at that time, because of competent civil service… I was a military man but once you get to the rank of a lieutenant-colonel, after major, you are being taught some management courses. It needs a few weeks for somebody who has gone through the military management training, you have junior staff college, senior staff college; by that time, you will have enough experience for most administrative jobs because you must have had enough of the combat ones. I think I didn’t have much problem. And then, the competent civil servants. Civil servants then were very professional.
And not political as we have them now?
No. They were really professionals and they can disagree with you on record, on issues.
They were not afraid to make recommendations to the military governor or administrator?
No, they were never. People like the late Liman Ciroma, Waziri Fika, who was eventually Secretary to the Government of Babangida. And the late Abubakar Umar, who was Secretary to the Government of Bauchi State; and the late Moguno. They were real professionals, committed technocrats.
So, you didn’t really have much challenges?
No, not much challenges.
There was no insecurity then, like we have in the North East today?
No, the police then, with their Criminal Investigation Department (CID), were very, very competent. They interacted closely with the people. So, criminals in the locality were easily identified and put under severe surveillance. And really, there was relative peace in the country.
What were your major achievements in the North East as governor?
I think the way the state was divided into three; if you remember, it became Borno, Bauchi and Gongola. So, the way we divided the assets, including the civil service and so on, I think it was one of our achievements because it was so peaceful then. We had a committee on civil service.
And eventually you became minister of petroleum under Obasanjo?
Yes.
That was the only ministry you held under Obasanjo?
Yes.
During your time as petroleum minister, what were you doing differently that they are not doing now that has made the sector totally rotten?
Well, I was lucky again. When I was made a minister, I met an experienced man, a person of great personal integrity, the late Sunday Awoniyi. He was the permanent secretary then before the Supreme Military Council approved the merger of the Nigerian National Oil Corporation (NNOC) and the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and made Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). Sunday Awoniyi was then the permanent secretary of the ministry. That was when I was sworn in eventually, I think in 1977, it became NNPC when the ministry and the NNOC were merged. He retired from the civil service. Another competent technocrat, Morinho, he became the Director of Petroleum Resources and he had a very competent team of Nigerian engineers, petroleum engineers and chemical engineers. And as minister of petroleum, I signed the contract for Warri Refinery, for Kaduna Refinery, for more than 20 depots all over the country, for laying of pipelines, more than 3200 kilometers and I couldn’t recall Nigeria borrowing a kobo for those projects. And then, by the time I became head of state, because I went to War College in the United States before the military handed over to the Second Republic and came back in 1980 and then, there was coup at the end of 1983. And that time, you can verify from Professor Tam David-West who was Minister of Petroleum Resources. We were exporting 100,000 barrels per day of refined products.
Exporting from the country?
Yes, refined one.
Refined one, not the raw one they are taking to import to…?
No.
100, 000 barrels?
Yes. Because we had four refineries then.
They have all collapsed…
Well, that is the efficiency of the subsequent governments!
You achieved so much success and all that. But there was an issue that became quite contentious: N2.8billion. They said N2.8billion oil money was missing.
It couldn’t have been missing. The governor of the Central Bank then, the late Clement Isong, said it was ridiculous, that N2.8billion couldn’t be missing because he said even the king of Saudi Arabia, couldn’t issue a cheque of N2.8billion. When you have paid your money for petroleum, they are normally put in the country’s external account and no bank will release that amount of money at a go because it was deposited. And then, at that time, Nigeria was exporting about 1.82 million barrels a day. And the cost of barrel a day was about $18. You work out N2.8billion. How could N2.8billion be missing and we still have money to run the country? So, it was just a political…
How did that issue come about? What happened and how did you feel during that period?
No, no. Shagari did the only honourable thing. He ordered a judicial enquiry and put a serving Justice of the Supreme Court, the late Justice Irikefe, to carry out investigation. And their terms of reference were put there. They said anybody who had an idea of missing N2.8billion, let him come and tell Justice Irikefe. Nobody had any evidence. It was just rubbish. Well, later, Tai Solarin and Professor Awojobi were confronted and Fela, the late Fela, to go and prove their case. They had no evidence, most of them took the newspaper cuttings of their allegations to the tribunal.
As evidence?
As their evidence…Cuttings of newspapers publications where they said N2.8billion was missing. That was their evidence. That was what they took to the Irikefe panel.
And Fela sang about it! Fela was your friend.
He couldn’t have been, because of what Obasanjo regime did to him. Because we were part of Obasanjo regime.
There is one other incident that has also been in the public domain: that Shagari gave you an order and you disobeyed your commander-in-chief. What happened then? Which order was that? That he gave you an instruction not to go to war against Chad or something like that?
Well, that was when I became GOC. When I came back from War College, I was in Lagos. Then, 4 Infantry Division was in Lagos, in Ikeja. I was in War College when I was posted there before General Obasanjo’s government handed over to Shagari. So, when I came, after about four months or so, I was posted to Ibadan, to command 2 Infantry Division. And after that, I was posted to Jos to command 3rd Armoured Division. It was when I was there as the GOC that the Chadians attacked some of our troops in some of the islands and killed five of them, took some military hardware and some of our soldiers. Then, I went into Army headquarters and told them then, the Chief of Army Staff then, General Wushishi, why they shouldn’t just allow a country, our neighbour to move into our territory, where we had stationed, to kill our people. So, I moved into Maiduguri, former Tactical Headquarters, and I got them out of the country. Something dramatic happened: I didn’t know I had gone beyond Chad and somehow, Shagari, in the United States, was sent pictures that I was with my troops and had gone beyond Chad, beyond Lake Chad. So, I was given direct order by the president to pull out and I did.
Oh, you did?
I did. I couldn’t have disobeyed the president. So, I handed over the division to Colonel Ogukwe, who was my course mate but was my…
He was in National Population Commission (NPC)?
I think so. Colonel Ogukwe. Yeah, he must have been. I handed over the tactical headquarters to him.
So, you never went against presidential directive?
I couldn’t have. He was the Commander-in-Chief. But maybe it was too slow for them, for me to withdraw, but you don’t disengage so quickly.
But after that, Shagari was overthrown?
Yes.
Now, they said you were invited to head the government after the coup?
Yes.
As the most senior officer?
Yes.
What really happened because it was not a Buhari coup?
No.
Could we say you never plotted a coup throughout your military career?
No. I didn’t plot a coup.
You were not a coup plotter?
No.
You were invited?
Yes.
Where were you when you were invited?
I was in Jos. They sent a jet to me flown by one of General Gowon’s younger brothers. He was a pilot. He told me that those who conducted the coup had invited me for discussion.
You went to Lagos?
I went to Lagos. I was flown to Lagos. Yes. And they said ok, those who were in charge of the coup had said that I would be the head of state. And I was.
When you made that statement that ‘this generation of Nigerians has no country other than Nigeria,’ for me it was like a JFK statement asking Americans to think of what they could do for America. Twenty months after, your same colleagues who invited you sacked you. What happened?
They changed their minds.
They changed their minds? So, what happened in between that, because part of what they said when they took over power was that you had become “too rigid, too uncompromising and arrogated knowledge of problems and solutions to yourself and your late deputy, Idiagbon. What really happened?
Well, I think you better identify those who did that and interview them so that they can tell you what happened. From my own point of view, I was the chairman of the three councils, which, by change of the constitution, were in charge of the country. They were the Supreme Military Council, the Executive Council and the National Council of State. I was the chairman of all. Maybe when you interview those who were part of the coup, they will tell you my rigidity and whether I worked outside those organs: the Supreme Military Council, the Council of State and the Council of Ministers.
Before I come to that, there was also this issue of Decree 4, alleged drug peddlers who your regime ordered shot. Looking back now, do you think you made mistake in those areas?
You see, maybe my rigidity could be traced to our insistence on the laws we made. But we decided that the laws must be obeyed.
But they said it was retroactive.
Yes, they said so. But I think it should be in the archive; we said that whoever brought in drugs and made Nigeria a transit point committed an offence. These drugs, We We (Indian hemp), is planted here, but the hard drug, cocaine, most Nigerians don’t know what cocaine is. They just made Nigeria a transit point and these people did it just to make money. You can have a certain people who grow Ashisha or We We and so on because it is indigenous. Maybe some people are even alleging that those who want to come for operation, brought the seed and started to grow it in Nigeria. But cocaine, it is alien to our people. So, those who used Nigeria as a transit, they just did it to make money. And this drug is so potent that it destroys people, especially intelligent people. So, the Supreme Military Council did a memo. Of course, I took the memo to the Supreme Military Council and made recommendation and the Supreme Military Council agreed.
There was no dissenting voice?
There was no dissenting in the sense that majority agreed that this thing, this cocaine, this hard drug was earning Nigeria so much bad name in the international community because Nigeria was not producing it, but Nigerians that wanted to make money didn’t mind destroying Nigerians and other youths in other countries just to make money. So, we didn’t need them. We didn’t need them.
But there were pleas by eminent Nigerians not to kill the three men involved in the trafficking?
Pleas, pleas; those that they destroyed did they listen to their pleas for them not to make hard drug available to destroy their children and their communities?
So, it is not something you look back now at 70 and say it was an error?
No, it was not an error. It was deliberate. I didn’t do it as an head of state by fiat. We followed our proper system and took it. If I was sure that the Supreme Military Council then, the majority of them decided that we shouldn’t have done so, we could have reduced it to long sentencing. But people who did that, they wanted money to build fantastic houses, maybe to have houses in Europe and invest. Now, when they found out that if they do it, they will get shot, then they will not live to enjoy at the expense of a lot of people that became mental and became harmful and detrimental to the society and so on, then they will think twice.
Decree 4 was what you used to gag the press?
Decree 4. You people (press), you brought in Nigeria factor into it. When people try to get job or contract and they couldn’t get it, they make a quick research and created a problem for people who refuse to do them the favour. What we did was that you must not embarrass those civil servants. If you have got evidence that somebody was corrupt, the courts were there. Take the evidence to court; the court will not spare whoever it was. But you don’t just go and write articles that were embarrassing.
But don’t you think you went too far?
What do you mean by going too far?
But you went to the extreme that public officers could do no wrong, as if they were saints. You called the decree ‘Protection of Public Officers Against False Accusation,’ and clamped down on the media.
Those who did it, the editors, the reporters, we jailed them. But we never closed a whole institution, as others did. We investigated and prosecuted according to the laws, because shutting a newspaper, it is an institution and we lose thousands of jobs. But we found out who made that false report, who was the editor, who okayed it and then, we jailed them. No regret?
No regret, because we did it according to the laws we made. We neither closed a whole institution and caused job losses.
Then, you left power, 20 months after…
No. I was sent packing from power.
Ok, you didn’t leave on your own volition?
No.
That is a good one. For Nigerians, they remember War Against Indiscipline you brought. What was the philosophy behind it?
Well, I think we realised that the main problem of Nigeria, then and now, was indiscipline and corruption. When I say we, I mean the Supreme Military Council. Those two, are Nigeria’s Achilles heels. And I believe the Nigeria elite knew it then and they know it now. So, we started to discipline them. People must realise their level in the society and accept it. If you go and read hard and get a PhD, certainly you will get the best of life than somebody who hasn’t been to school at all or who has been a drop-out. And then, in the public, people must behave responsibly. If you go to bus stops, it is step-by-step or turn-by-turn, and not to force your way. If you go to bank, you find out if people were there before you. Why can’t you go behind them?
Or you come early and be number one.
Exactly! I think that was accepted. And up till now, I think it is the only thing that survived out of our administration, the queue culture. People accepted it with calmness. And in Lagos, they wouldn’t like to associate themselves with the military, so they call it KAI. That is right. Kick Against Indiscipline. But it is still the same thing. It is the same. The only difference is that one was brought by the military and this one is through democratic system.
When you were eased out of power and you had time to reflect for three years, what did you then see that was wrong?
We gave them the opportunity in the three councils I told you. Those rules are supposed to be in the Nigerian archives, except somebody destroyed them, destroyed the evidence. Otherwise, what did we do wrong to warrant being sacked? For example, when we overthrew the Second Republic, we had what we called the SIP, the Special Investigation Panel that comprised the police, the National Security Organisation (NSO) then and the intelligence community of the military. We did nothing by impulse or ad hoc. We went through the system.
And then, you handed down long jail terms, some 100 years. That was something else. Why did you do that?
They would never see the daylight again to commit another crime against humanity.
Would you say your detention period made you a new person?
I think I have always been the same person. When I came out, I was amazed, amazed in the sense that people in my immediate constituency didn’t seem to bother about the major setback I had. They were still coming to me, expecting me to help them in a way. Not in terms of material help, because they knew that I didn’t operate any money house or any petroleum bloc or any filling station…
How can you say a whole oil minister like you didn’t have any oil licence?
No. Not one, and not any for any blood relation or anybody close to me. Really, somehow, people in my community felt that I can still help them. But with that setback, I was wondering how. So, the only way for me, I think, was to join partisan politics so that I can have a platform to speak about the opinion of my constituency, immediate constituency. But the thing that convinced me more than the pressure from immediate locality was the change in 1991, the collapse of the Soviet Union. I have said this so often that an empire in the 20th century, collapsed and a lot of people ran back home, leaving strategic installations behind, like missile sites, nuclear formation and so on. And now, there are about 18 to 19 or 20 republics. It was then that I believed, personally, in my own assessment, that multi-party democratic system was and is still superior to despotism.
That was your turning point?
That was the turning point. But there is a big caveat: elections must be free and fair! And that is what we need. Elections must be free and fair, otherwise, the whole thing will be something else.
During your tenure, one case kept coming up: the 53 suitcases. You had ordered the border shut and your Aide de Camp (ADC), Major Jokolo, was alleged to have escorted 53 suitcases into the country. What happened? Why were you selective?
There was nothing like 53 suitcases. What happened was that there was my chief of protocol; he is now late. He had three wives, and I think about 12 children. He was in Saudi Arabia as Nigeria Ambassador to Saudi Arabia. He was in Libya before, as ambassador and later, he was posted to Saudi Arabia. And then, I appointed him as my chief of protocol and he was coming back. Three wives, about 12 children. And then, by some coincidence, the late Emir of Gwandu, the father of Jokolo, who was my ADC then, was coming back with the same flight. And somehow, some mischievous fellows, everything, including the handbag of maybe, their small daughters, were counted as suitcases. Atiku then was the Commandant of Murtala Muhammed Airport as customs officer. And that day, we were playing squash. Jokolo my ADC and I. At some point, I said to him, ‘Mustapha, is your father not coming back today again?’ He said, ‘yes, sir, he is coming.’ I said, ‘what are you doing here? Why can’t you go and meet your father?’ He said yes, sir. He went to wash and meet his father. I am telling you there was no 53 bags of suitcases. It was a bloody lie. It was a bloody mischief.
So, not that he was detailed?
No, he was not detailed. He was not even about to go. I was the one who made him to go and meet his father. He was a respected emir, in fact, if not the most respected emir in the North then. He was learned, he had fantastic credibility and personal integrity. And this man was just coming on posting with his wives and children and they counted every imaginable thing, they said 53 suitcases.
Was that why Atiku was retired?
I don’t know. I don’t know. I don’t think I retired Atiku. I can’t recall because I had nothing against anybody.
But the argument was that the border was ordered shut. So, how did those people then come in?
They came by air. We didn’t stop aircraft coming in. They came by air, from Jedda to Lagos. They didn’t drive through Chad to Maiduguri and… People just say 53 suitcases when all borders had been ordered shut because that is how you can sell your papers.
Then you came into politics and every election you are there. Would you still do politics at 70 years, elective politics, offering yourself for election?
This is what I told the audience that came to listen to my address before we started the campaign for the 2011 elections. But my party and supporters were sending representatives. Up till today, they haven’t stopped. But what I told them was that we are in the process now of reorganising the party and perhaps, come into an alignment with other parties. Whatever the parties decide, whether my party or the new party that align and we are hoping to develop; if they give me the ticket or recommend me, I will consider it. That is the position we are now.
Until you get to that stage you can give a definite answer?
Until we get to that stage, there is no clear answer now. Let’s wait and see.
Is it that you don’t like money? Anytime somebody sees you, they say General Buhari is so austere. What gave you that kind of lifestyle? Nobody is associating you with millions. My reporter here was pointing to one mansion of a former governor who just ruled for eight years. So, how did you develop this frugal lifestyle? Is it that you don’t like good life? How do you unwind? Well, some of us have heard that you used to smoke. Do you still smoke? What are those things you have given up?
I used to smoke, but of course, I abandoned it I think in 1977.
Oh really? Before you became head of state?
Yes, I stopped smoking.
Have you ever taken alcohol?
No.
Never?
Never.
Even as a young man and all that?
No, no. Even in the military tradition, how they break you in, I said well, the military did not stop anybody practising his religion. My religion said no alcohol and no alcohol. So, that was respected. I was never forced to take alcohol and I have never voluntarily taken it because I want to remain alert all the time. There is a tendency that when you drink, you would want to have a bottle more, or a glass more and do something stupid. As a young man, very handsome because I saw some of your old pictures, did you have women flocking around you? And women like soldiers, people who have power…
I also thought women ought to have taken more interest in me but I don’t know why they didn’t. I must have something they didn’t like. I assure you of that. I didn’t drink, I smoked, I had girlfriends; it was true.
How many did you have?
I hope you won’t publish this because my wife will read the interview. So, you will be very kind to me if you don’t publish that (general laughter).
You joined the army and there was coup and counter-coup and civil war. You still had time to unwind?
You can create it but we had too much eventful time, professional career. It was too eventful. There were too many things happening almost at the same time. If I could recall, the 30 months civil war that we had, I was just having two weeks after every six months to come back home just to see my old mother and some of my relatives because I refused to get married till after the war.
Was it deliberate?
It was deliberate.
Why? I thought that would have been the reason to get married.
No, no. Some of our colleagues, like late Vatsa, like Babangida, they were more adventurous than myself. They took a weekend and had a quick marriage and went back to the front. I thought I would be putting the poor girl or the poor woman under a lot of stress. So, I said if I survived the war, I would get married, but if I didn’t survive, no woman should cry for me other than my relatives.
Some of your General-colleagues became stupendously rich. Today, they have means. I am not a lawyer taking inventory of your assets or preparing your will, but tell me what property do you have now at 70? I am sure you have a house in Abuja, you have one in Lagos. You have one in Daura and you have one here (Kaduna). So, if I count your property, maybe five. Am I right or wrong?
You are right but am not going to read or declare with you. My assets were on record, I told some of your colleagues when they came. When Murtala/Obasanjo regime came, they made sure that certain grades of public officers must declare their assets when they assumed that office and they must declare when they were leaving. So, when I was sworn in as governor of North East, I declared my assets.
What did you declare?
I declared surprisingly, even the number of my cows then. Even if they were supposed to be producing every year, but I declared them the time I was there. And when I was leaving governorship, I became petroleum minister. When I was leaving to go to War College, I declared my assets. I could recall General Jemibewon then, was the Adjutant-General of the Army. He rang me and said he was sending me asset declaration form, that I must fill it, sign it before I left for the United States. And I did. General Jemibewon is still alive. And when I became head of state eventually, I declared my assets again. So, all of us; when I say that, I mean Obasanjo downwards, those who are alive who were governors, ministers, head of states, they had declared assets. So, if you people are serious and interested about political officers becoming multi-billionaires, you can find out from Murtala downwards. And those of us who were not very good in making money you should pity us.
Is it that you don’t like money?
Everybody likes money but I am not very good at making money. Let me put it that way. I borrowed from the banks to build the house in Daura and the one in Abuja that you mentioned and the one in Kano. The bank then was Barclays, now Union Bank. Kaduna State or North Central then housing scheme and the Federal Mortgage Bank for the house I am in and AIB, which was, I think, terminated by Central Bank. So, when you go through the records, you find out that the houses I built, I borrowed from there.
You are a respected former head of state. What is your relationship with others, Obasanjo, your former boss and at a point, your political opponent, General Babangida, the man who took over from you and then, Shagari…
You are very nice. He took over from me and I took over from Shagari. You are very nice.
I want to be polite.
You are very nice. Ok, carry on.
What is your relationship with them. I see some parts of patching up here and there, but when a man is 70, you say it the way it is. What is your relationship with all these people I have mentioned now, deep down?
I think the worst thing anybody can do to oneself is to have either hatred or grudge on daily basis. One thing will happen and you better forget.
Have you forgiven Babangida now? You once said you felt betrayed over the coup against your government?
I did. Publicly, I did.
You have?
I have and some of your papers published it. I said as a Muslim, I have forgiven him.
But during that period it happened, you must have been really angry?
Of course, I was angry because I can’t recall what I had done for him to mobilise the military to overthrow me and detain me for more than three years. Yeah, it is natural for me to be upset. Were you going to retire him before your overthrow, as has been alleged? This is an opportunity to lay it because we have heard those speculations that you were going to retire him and he moved against you quickly.
Something like that happened but not him. I moved to retire his Director of Military Intelligence.
Akilu?
General Aliyu, not Akilu.
Aliyu?
Aliyu Gusau.
You were going to retire him?
Yes. I took a paper to Army Council. Babangida was there…
As the Chief of Army Staff.
Yes. Idiagbon was there, Bali was there as Minister of Defence, and I was there as the head of state and commander-in-chief. And reasons for him to be removed was in that memo. Go and find out from him or from Babangida. They are both alive.
Not against Babangida per se?
No.
But if you touched Gusau, his intelligence chief, invariably, you were going to inch towards the Chief of Army Staff, Babangida. Eventually, he might have been touched.
I didn’t know but at that point, it was Aliyu Gusau.
You were inching closer?
Yes, we were inching closer. You could say that.
But you have forgiven him for all that happened.
I have forgiven him. I said it and it was printed by some of your colleagues. But I didn’t say it will be forgotten. It cannot be forgotten. If I say I forget about it, I will be lying. But I have forgiven him, just as I expect Shagari to forgive me as the one who succeeded him.
But Shagari said you detained him and then…
I too, was detained (general laughter).
Ok, whatof Obasanjo? What kind of relationship do you have?
Obasanjo; he mobilized Nigerian voters against me.
But you have forgiven him?
No, I haven’t forgiven him (laughter).
Finally now, finally, finally, finally…
I don’t know when your final will come to a real final.
No, this is the end now. If the end comes, how do you want Nigerians to remember you, if you have the chance to write your epitaph?
I want Nigerians to be fair to me. Like this case of 53, 55 suitcases, like the case of N2.8billion. I want Nigerians to be fair and to be fair, all these documents are in the Nigerian archives. As I said, I didn’t do anything important outside the three organs of government: the Supreme Military Council, Council of States and Council of Ministers. On serious issues, Nigerians should do some research. That is why I always make emphasis on investigative journalism. If you want to be fair and impartial, I am sure you can have the capacity, both intellectual and resource to make an in-depth investigation.
Nigerians should be fair to you?
They should be fair to me.
Your daughter just passed on?
She would have been 40 before she died.
Oh, when life was just beginning.
Yes.
What was the circumstance? Some said she was a sickler; she had sickle cell anemia.
She was a sickler and she had complication when she was delivered by Caesarian.
And that remains a very sad incident for you.Yes.
Thank you, General.
BVI Channel 1 was able to run into a story of how T Y Danjuma forced Obasanjo to rule Nigeria as Head of State after the assassination of Late Murtala Mohammed .Danjuma Story ‘ I think it is public knowledge that Obasanjo fled on the day Murtala Muhammed was killed. He remained in hiding until the coup was aborted and he reached out, first, to M.D Yusuf (Inspector-General of Police), who then called him and he came out of hiding, and joined us in Dodan Barracks. We discussed the funeral of Muhammed and made arrangement as to who would accompany his remains to Kano, so on and so forth.
At the end of the meeting, Obasanjo asked M.D Yusuf and I to stay with him in the chambers (Dodan Barracks). After everybody had left, Obasanjo told M.D Yusuf and I that what had happened had destroyed his faith in the loyalty of the Nigerian Army. That he had decided that after the funeral, he would retire, leave the Army and go home. But before that he would name me as the successor to Murtala. I told him that, that amounted to desertion and that he could not run away. He was number 2, number 1 had been killed in battle; he as number 2 would take over.
He said no, no, no; that he didn’t think he should stay; that he wanted to go. We argued that. In the end, Yusuf said, “look, let’s all sleep over this matter; tomorrow we will decide.” I said, “look, there’s no question of sleeping over it; the point now is we should be looking for who is going to take Obasanjo’s seat as number 2 because there is no way we are going to allow him to chicken out and leave at this time; we must all stay and face the future together.” So, we left and I went home. By this time, we had called all the members of the Supreme Military Council to Lagos.
The following day, he (Obasanjo) started to talk in the same vein and I cut in. I said that Obasanjo could not leave; he had to stay and be the Head of State and we should be looking for the number 2 man. I had, over night, considered the consequences of what had happened and came to the conclusion that if we were not careful; we would end up with a religious conflict on our hands. Already, that evening – the evening that it became public knowledge that Murtala had been killed – Dimka had made a broadcast in which he said, “good tidings” among other things. He had imposed a curfew – from dawn to dusk (laugh) and said all sorts of things using the expression, “good tiding.”
Abubakar Gumi, in the North, said that the coup that killed Murtala was a Christian coup because of the utterances of the coup leader, who said, “good tidings” because it is an expression of Christians. Already, there was tension in the North. The governor of Kaduna State, an air force officer, Usman, had to contain him: that it had nothing to do with Christians, that it was a purely military affair.
I knew that if we were not careful, as time went on, we should be consumed by religious strife in the country. I decided that the new Chief of Staff must come from the North preferably, a Hausa/Fulani man. From my knowledge, I had two candidates – (Muhammadu) Buhari, who was really my number one candidate for that post and the late Shehu Yar’Adua. Shehu was not in the country; he was abroad as Minister of Transport. You would remember we had inherited a cement armada in the Lagos and Port Harcourt (ports) and his (Shehu’s) first assignment was to decongest the Lagos port and get rid of all the vessels that were clogging Nigerian waters, and attracting huge demurrages from our government. He (Shehu) was abroad attending to that problem when Dimka struck.
So, they were the two candidates. Buhari, at that time, and even today, is one of the most upright Army officers that the Nigerian Army has produced – very clean, a very strict officer. Unfortunately for him, he served under me for a short time in Port Harcourt and I observed that he was a very inflexible person. I reasoned that Buhari, any day, could be a first class Chief of Army Staff. Why waste him in a political post? Why shorten his career because if he became Chief of Staff, he would have to leave at the end of the tenure. Why waste him there?
Besides, I observed that he was too rigid; he was too inflexible to hold a political post. If you are in politics, you must be flexible; you must compromise from time to time. In politics, they call it pragmatism. But in the military, if you are pragmatic, it is regarded as a weakness. I said no, not Buhari. Shehu, I didn’t know him well except that I knew that, of all the officers of his rank, he was the most politicised. So, sending a politicised Army Officer to a political post, I thought, was a good thing. That was how I named Shehu the next Chief of Staff.
When we came to the Supreme Military Council and Obasanjo started singing the same tune that he had sung to me and M.D Yusuf the previous night, I said no, that was not the issue; he was the most senior person and he had to stay there. He had to stay in office. He made some feeble resistance but I think he had slept over our discussion and concluded that if we insisted, he would stay.
There were a few voices of dissent. The first came from the Chief of Air Staff, Isa Doko, who said that the problem we were facing was an Army problem and that the Army boys had confidence in me. That we had just crushed an attempted coup, and we should not put somebody there that the Army didn’t have confidence in. A few other officers supported him but I overruled them. And so, I imposed Obasanjo on my colleagues in the Supreme Military Council.”
—General TY Danjuma in an interview with THE GUARDIAN, February 17, 2008.
UNDERSTANDING THE BIAFRA PROJECT PHASE 2: The Biafra Project is divided into three phases. Phase 1 is awareness creation. This has been accomplished. The awareness has been created. The message of Biafran Struggle for independence has been preached to the whole world through the efforts of the pioneers of the Struggle. We give credit to Ralph Uwazuruike, Nnamdi Kanu, Benjamin Onwuka, Justin Akujieze of Ekwenche, Enyinna Amadikwa of Good Shepherd Movement, and others too numerous to mention.
The next is Biafra Project Phase 2. This means creating Biafra within Nigeria just like Scotland within Britain. We must have our own Parliament and govern ourselves as Biafran people within Nigeria before outright independence. A people seeking for independence must be properly organized and put the structures in place before pulling out from their host country. This is the same message that Chief Nnia Nwodo, the President General of Ohaneze Ndigbo, is preaching in another language. He calls it Regional Autonomy while I call it Biafra Project Phase 2. Some Biafrans are hauling insults and abuses on him because they lack knowledge and understanding.
I am a qualified Project Appraiser, not only a Barrister and Solicitor. I have conducted the Feasibility and Viability Appraisal of the Biafran Project. It is both feasible and viable but must be in phases. It is beyond emotional outbursts. It is beyond zeal and youthful exuberance. There are proper ways and acceptable methodology of achieving independence in a complex situation like the case of Biafra and Nigeria. This is why we adopted the legal methodology consisting of judicial, diplomatic and political processes.
We all want outright independence from Nigeria but it will be the Phase 3 Project. We must lay the proper foundation for Phase 3 to be accomplished in future. It is my professional opinion that we should attain the status of self-governance firstly and establish the proper structures for statehood before pulling out.
The Biafrans must not abuse or insult Chief Nnia Nwodo again. They should appreciate his wisdom. He calls it Regional Autonomy while I call it Biafra Project Phase 2, creating Biafra within Nigeria just like Scotland within Britain as the first step before outright independence.
We will not tolerate further insults and abuses on our Elders anymore. Chief Nnia Nwodo fought in the war as a Biafran soldier. We cannot keep quiet and allow ignorant people on the social media to destroy our culture and traditional values. We must respect our Elders. Any person who abuses our Elders again shall be under an irrevocable curse. Amen. Emeka Emekesiri, Esq., the vision bearer of the Legal Methodology of Self-determination.
The Igbo society of our fathers was far too spiritually advanced to be analyzed by half digested Western thought. We do ourselves a tremendous disservice when we limit ourselves to the White man’s epistemic handles.
Then there is the issue of historical materialism meaning simply that the limits of material knowledge of an era defines the bounds of rationality of works of that era.
For instance, we now know that the universe is much more complex than anyone could have imagined 2000 years ago. The billions of planets out there certainly lend itself to the rational conclusion that there are innumerable beings of all likenesses out there, some humanoid, some reptilian, some material, some spiritual, some dimensional, some interdinensional.
Then you wonder where these beings go when they die. Were there also redeemed and of all the beings created by God, why are human beings the sole heir to his Kingdom?
Now we are pushing at the frontiers of knowledge where Western thought simply provides no answers.
Like wise, it is gross oversimplification to classify spiritual entities as good or bad, evil or nonevil. Those terms are human value judgment that have zero bearing to the inherent nature of those entities.
I say this to those who, limited by Western thought, denigrate our ancestors as devil worshippers. It is all too convenient to classify any entity whose pedigree is not in the Bible as anti God and anti good. That is gross oversimplification of the nature of things.
Here is an analogy. Is a lion bad because it devoured our goat or because it acted true to his nature and ate another animal not minding who owns it?
Calling a lion an evil animal just because it ate our goat is gross oversimplification of the nature of things.
When we say good or bad, it is our value judgment going to the result of the act but not necessarily the intent. When a lion does not intend to hurt us but nevertheless ate our goat, does that earn the lion a bad classification?
So when we say that something is evil, with respect to spiritual beings, exactly what do we mean?
What we mean really is that for lack of an adequate taxonomic framework, we chose to throw any being whose nature we do not understand into a huge pile of evil spirits.
Our ancestors were wiser than that. There were much more comfortable with spiritual entities and did not carry a good versus bad classification in their heads when dealing with them.
Let me get off the bus at this point for fear of losing my audience other than to say that anyone stuck in a black versus white, evil versus nonevil, heaven versus hell, visible versus nonvisible, life versus death framework lives in a grossly oversimplified cosmos that has very little bearing to the true nature of things.
But let me sound a note of warning. One must not deal with entities of unknown pedigree. Stick to what you know. Some of these entities are not even humanoid and some simply devour souls not because they are bad but because they are simply hardwired to do the things they do and are not constrained by human value judgments.
When we classify them as inherently good or bad, we are trying to impose our human sense of values to a whole universe of beings who have their own mission and sense of values that we probably cannot comprehend.
Growing up, our villages were spirit infested. Our forebears invoked many of them and they came.
While I feel very comfortable with invoking the spirit of Christ whose pedigree I know, i also feel very comfortable in classsifying anyone who calls our forebears devil worshippers as grossly ignorant.
Few days ago,I sent out an article on the futility of relying on the present structure of Nigeria.It is my considered opinion that we are not making any progress as a people living in a forced marriage-like a Nation.
It is also my opinion that Nigeria is cursed by unknown gods.My reason being that anybody that goes into political power becomes confused.There are simple things that would have been done to create powerful institutions in Nigeria.Such institutions would have empowered the people to be productive but the gods are angry with Nigeria.
What should be done
There are millions of innocent souls crying for vengeance. There are hidden truth that the likes of Gowon,Obasanjo,Buhari,Babangida and the likes would not want the rest of Nigerians to know.It is not just the issue of Biafra.The ordinary man in the north is suffering and smiling so also the west and other indigenous people in Nigeria.
What to be done is for the indigenous people in Nigeria to come together for possible ways of appeasing the gods of the land.The aforementioned Nigeria Leaders are the cause of our problem and their hearts are hardened to confess their sins and ask for forgiveness.So ,do not expect any solution from them.
On professional note,no economy grows when cost of fund is above single digit and when commercial loan is not accessible to majority of the ordinary people.When the purchasing power of the ordinary people are low,factories find it difficult to sustain production because of low patronage even in the face of cheap foreign goods.Again,epileptic power supply in Nigeria has shut down thousands if not a million factories in Nigeria.Millions have been sent back to the already saturated labour market because of the powerful cabals in the energy sector.It takes a simple policy to liberalize the management of electricity sector in Nigeria but alas,the unknown gods have sworn that nothing good would come out of Nigeria until the needful is done.
As I write,mortuary homes are filled with dead bodies,hospitals /miracle centers are filled with sick and hopeless people while our political leaders open champaign and exotic wines with classical ladies and the Church Leaders ,as usual counsel us to wait for God’s time.
There is no better way to help sustain our struggle if not by helping the active freedom fighters financially. Many of our people are lamenting that there seems to be silence in the freedom struggle since after the disappearance of NK. They also claimed not to hear of the activities of CG-IPOB before NK. But they forgot that Radio Biafra/IPOB is being funded with hard currencies. This money was contributed by Biafrans desiring freedom.
If the CG-IPOB has $1m in its account, we will positively change the course of Biafran struggle in the right direction nonviolently. Therefore the appeal for fund from our Information Directorate is a call every sincere Biafran has to take heed of and comply with.
The CG-IPOB needs donation from goodhearted Biafrans to enable it engage the struggle legally, politically and diplomatically. There are some foreign missions we need to engage in the coming months. There are series of foreign contacts we must establish in other to connect our Government to international forum.
Local activities here like strong media matters have to be activated. Please support our efforts for the interest of Biafra.